World War

Summit

Leaders of China, Russia and India gather for Shanghai Cooperation Organisation summit

By Peter Symonds

Reposted below is the article of the World Socialist Web Site published on 02 September 2025.

The two-day gathering of Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) leaders finished yesterday in the Chinese city of Tianjin. The host, Chinese President Xi Jinping, put forward his vision of a multi-polar world in opposition to “hegemonism and power politics”—a barely veiled criticism of the US.

Summit
Putin, Modi and Xi. [AP Photo/Suo Takekuma]

The grouping has its roots in what was dubbed the “Shanghai Five,” formed by China and Russia with Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan in 1996 to counter US interventions in Central Asia following the dissolution of the Soviet Union. The SCO was formally established in 2001 and expanded to include Uzbekistan. India, Pakistan, Belarus and Iran have subsequently been included as full members, while 14 other countries including Saudi Arabia, Turkey and Egypt are dialogue partners.

While the attendance of many of the 20 leaders at the summit was unremarkable, the presence of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi—his first visit to China in seven years—triggered alarm bells in Washington. US imperialism has carefully cultivated economic and strategic relations with India for well over a decade, as it has accelerated its preparations for war with China, which it regards as the chief threat to US global dominance. 

Modi had previously signalled that he would not be attending the summit, citing his necessary attendance at a sitting of India’s parliament, in what could only be construed as a calculated snub to China. Although a thaw had begun, relations between the two countries were frosty following military clashes along their disputed border in 2020 that left 20 Indian and four Chinese soldiers dead.

Modi abruptly changed his plans amid a standoff with the Trump administration over India’s purchase of oil from Russia. In early August, Trump attempted to bully India into submission by doubling tariffs on Indian exports to the US to a massive 50 percent. Modi refused to cave in and the final 25 percent of the tariff hit came into effect last week. Indeed, Reuters reported last Thursday that India plans to increase purchases of Russian oil by between 10 and 20 percent. 

Trump had been pressing India and China to end imports of Russia oil as a lever to strongarm Russian President Vladimir Putin into making concessions to Ukraine as part of negotiations over a ceasefire in the ongoing war. The fact that Trump had not imposed a similar tariff punishment increase on China to that on India was no doubt doubly galling for Modi, given India’s longstanding strategic partnership with the US.

Modi’s presence in China this week was something of a diplomatic coup for Xi, who effusively welcomed him on Sunday, saying the two countries must not let the border issue define overall relations, and should be development partners not rivals. Modi, in turn, declared that there was now an “atmosphere of peace and stability” between them. 

Modi and Xi met in Russia last October on the sidelines of the BRICS summit shortly after reaching a border patrol agreement. Over recent weeks, a further warming of relations has been evidenced by the re-establishment of direct flights and a lifting of Chinese export restrictions on India including on rare earths. Yesterday, according to Modi, the two leaders discussed reducing India’s huge trade deficit of $99 billion with China, the country’s largest trading partner.

Xi clearly used the SCO summit as a platform to demonstrate China’s ability to counter US efforts to isolate it internationally and encircle it militarily. “Global governance has reached a new crossroads,” he said. 

In another swipe at the US and Trump, without naming names, Xi criticised “bullying practices” and declared: “The house rules of a few countries should not be imposed on others.” 

The meeting agreed to Xi’s proposal for a new SCO development bank in a move to further undermine the dominance of the US dollar in world trade and finance. Beijing is to provide 10 billion yuan ($US1.4 billion) in loans to the new banking consortium and another 2 billion yuan in aid to member states this year. China also plans to build an artificial intelligence cooperation centre for SCO nations. 

Putin also used the opportunity to call for “genuine multilateralism” to lay the groundwork for “a new system of stability and security in Eurasia.” In an obvious reference to the US and NATO, he added: “This security system, unlike Euro-centric and Euro-Atlantic models, â€Ļ [would be] truly balanced, and would not allow one country to ensure its own security at the expense of others.”

Putin also lashed out against the US and NATO over the war in Ukraine, saying it “did not arise as a result of Russia’s aggression against Ukraine, but rather as a consequence of a coup d’Êtat [in 2014] in Ukraine, which was supported and provoked by the West.” He praised the efforts of China and India in facilitating a resolution to the crisis and said he would inform SCO members of details of last month’s negotiations with Trump in Alaska in bilateral meetings. 

Both China and India have called for an end to the war, but at the same time pointedly refused to condemn Russia’s 2022 invasion.

Efforts were made to present an atmosphere of conviviality and bonhomie. Modi and Putin arrived together in Putin’s vehicle to yesterday’s meeting after a lengthy discussion and joined Xi for a photo opportunity holding hands in a close circle. The Indian and Russian leaders also publicly praised their own discussions. 

An editorial in the Washington Post entitled “Trump’s white-knuckling with India could backfire” expressed the alarm in US ruling circles that the White House’s crude attempt to use hefty tariffs to bludgeon New Delhi into submission and break up longstanding Indian ties with Russia had failed. 

“Beijing remains Washington’s most powerful rival. In purely economic terms, China is already a far more formidable adversary than the Soviet Union ever was,” it noted, then concluded:

“Trump’s zero-sum approach is to not leave any money on the table in negotiations. Even in business, that’s arguably a mistake. Goodwill has value. Trump’s talks with China might yet turn out to be every bit as bruising as those he is having with allies. Maybe that’s when he might appreciate better relations with friends.”

Trump officials, however, have shown no signs of heeding the advice. US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent described the SCO summit as “performative” and denounced India and China as “bad actors” that were “fuelling the Russian war machine”. Trump’s anti-China trade adviser Peter Navarro condemned India as “arrogant,” declaring that the “Brahmins are profiteering at the expense of the Indian people” with the Russia oil trade. In a fit of exasperation, Navarro branded the conflict in Ukraine as “Modi’s war.” 

Modi has no intention of immediately rupturing relations with the US. On his way to the SCO summit, he stopped in Tokyo where he praised the work of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue or Quad—a quasi-military pact with Japan, the US and Australia. Speaking to Nikkei Asia, Modi repeated stock standard US propaganda, declaring: “As vibrant democracies, open economies and pluralistic societies, we are committed to a free, open and inclusive Indo-Pacific”—directed against “authoritarian” China.

Like the other SCO members including China and Russia, India aggressively pursues its economic and strategic interests amid worsening international economic turmoil, exacerbated by Trump’s trade war measures, along with heightened geo-political tensions and an emerging world war. Wracked by social tensions at home and divided by many unresolved disputes, none of them has a progressive solution to the global eruption of imperialist violence and deepening crisis of the capitalist system.

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Trump Putin

The Trump-Putin summit in Alaska and the shift in American geostrategy

By WSWS Editorial Board

We repost below the World Socialist Web Site Editorial Board Statement of August 17, 2025, published Here.

Trump Putin
President Donald Trump meets with Russia’s President Vladimir Putin Friday, Aug. 15, 2025, at Joint Base Elmendorf-Richardson, Alaska. [AP Photo/Julia Demaree Nikhinson]

The heads of all the major European powers are heading to Washington today for emergency meetings with US President Donald Trump and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky, following Trump’s summit with Russian President Vladimir Putin in Alaska on Friday. That meeting, in which Trump warmly embraced Putin and called for a negotiated peace in Ukraine, has set off a political crisis across Europe.

Attending the talks in Washington are German Chancellor Friedrich Merz, French President Emmanuel Macron, British Prime Minister Keir Starmer, NATO Secretary-General Mark Rutte, Finnish President Alexander Stubb, Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni and European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen. They aim to present a united front as they confront the fallout from Trump’s shift in US support for the Ukraine war, hoping they can prevent Trump from abruptly pulling the plug on their entire operation.

In advance of Monday’s talks, debate within the media and among officials in both the United States and Europe centered on whether any settlement would involve binding “security guarantees” for Ukraine and, at the same time, compel Ukraine to surrender territory to Russia. On Sunday, US Special Envoy Steve Witkoff told CNN that for the first time Russia had agreed to allow the United States and European powers to extend “Article 5-like protection” to Ukraine, a reference to NATO’s mutual defense clause. 

Zelensky called it “a historic decision,” writing on X that the guarantees must provide “protection on land, in the air, and at sea” with Europe’s full participation. At the same time, however, Trump has diverged from Ukraine and the major European powers by backing Putin’s demand that Kiev cede territory, including sections of the Donbas region not currently under Russian control.

That such a change was coming had been evident for some time. The Alaska summit made it official, and the reaction in European capitals has bordered on hysteria, augmented by the fact that Ukraine has suffered a series of military defeats. Whatever they declare publicly, the reality is that without US backing the prosecution of the war in Ukraine becomes untenable. The NATO alliance has been held together until now by Washington’s ferocious hostility toward Russia, a policy spearheaded by the Democratic Biden administration. 

Trump, reviving the tradition of the far-right “America Firsters” of the World War II era, speaks for layers of the American ruling class oriented toward war in the Pacific and the confrontation with China. He has coupled this outlook with tariff and trade war measures directed against the European powers. For this faction, disengaging from the conflict with Russia over Ukraine offers potential advantages: securing access to vital resources in Russia and Ukraine, loosening Moscow’s alignment with Beijing, and weakening European imperialism.

Particularly since Trump’s re-election, the US foreign policy establishment has discussed a “reverse Kissinger” strategy. Faced with China’s economic rise, they aim to invert the policy championed in the 1970s by US President Richard Nixon’s Secretary of State Henry Kissinger of allying with China against the Soviet Union. In an article titled “A ‘Reverse Kissinger’?,” the American Enterprise Institute think-tank endorsed attempts to ally with Russia against China, but noted that the Ukraine war was an obstacle to winning over Putin. It wrote:

Moscow and Beijing have been forced together by the war in Ukraine. Ending that war, and mending ties with Russian President Vladimir Putin, could slow the Sino-Russian convergence—and perhaps even make Moscow a partner in containing Beijing. The aspiration is admirable. â€Ļ It didn’t work, because Putin was less interested in stability than in swallowing Ukraine.

At the same time, any shift in Washington’s policy toward Russia will provoke bitter conflicts within the American state apparatus. For powerful sections of the ruling class, the defeat of Russia remains non-negotiable—not only to salvage the credibility of American imperialism after pouring vast sums into the Ukraine war, but also because they view concessions to Moscow as weakening the broader confrontation with China.

The heads of European imperialism converging on Washington are not only seeking to pressure Trump directly, hoping to play for time if not shift course, but also to rally allies within the American political establishment to block any retreat from the NATO war drive.

However the situation develops, certain fundamental issues must be stressed. First, Trump’s shift on Ukraine is not a “peace policy.” His support for the genocide in Gaza and the bombing of Iran make this clear. The divisions within the American ruling class center on tactical issues related to a shared project of global domination.

Second, Trump’s maneuver takes place within the framework of an escalating global war and intensifying conflicts between the United States and the European imperialist powers. The costs of this conflict will be imposed through a massive assault on the working class.

Across Europe, governments are carrying out a vast program of remilitarization that can only be financed by dismantling what remains of social protections and diverting trillions into a military build-up. In the United States, Trump is spearheading a social counterrevolution and dictatorship against the working class, tearing down every constraint on the accumulation of wealth by the rich. One element of his calculations is undoubtedly the need to redirect military resources toward the “near abroad” in Latin America and against workers within the United States itself.

Third, Putin’s fawning praise for Trump at the summit on Friday underscores the thoroughly reactionary character of the Russian government. Putin’s ludicrous flattery recalls Stalin’s infamous toast to Hitler in August 1939, as the Stalin-Hitler Non-Aggression Pact was being concluded: “I know how much the German nation loves its FÃŧhrer. I should therefore like to drink to his health.” Within a week, World War II had erupted; two years later, Hitler launched his invasion of the Soviet Union, at the cost of 27 million Soviet lives.

Like Stalin, Putin seeks deals with imperialism that can only end in disaster for the working class. The Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 was provoked by the US and European imperialist powers, through the relentless expansion of NATO to the east and the refusal to negotiate over Ukraine. The invasion, however, was the action of a bourgeois state defending its own interests. It had nothing in common with the independent mobilization of the Russian or Ukrainian working class against imperialism.

The reactionary character of Putin’s rule is underscored by his alignment with far-right forces across Europe and the United States—including Viktor OrbÃĄn in Hungary, Marine Le Pen’s National Rally in France, and Alternative for Germany. They will be strengthened by the realignment now underway.

The outcome of today’s talks in Washington remains uncertain, but what is beyond doubt is that the fundamental tendencies driving the world toward catastrophe remain. There will be no progressive resolution to this crisis without the independent intervention of the international working class.

The Trotskyist movement completely rejects the opportunist mantra that “the enemy of my enemy is my friend.” Neither the maneuvers of Trump, nor the intrigues of the European powers, nor the reactionary calculations of Putin offer a way forward. The struggle against genocide, austerity, dictatorship and war requires the building of a conscious, international socialist movement of the working class, fighting irreconcilably against all the capitalist governments and their political agents.

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after the blasts

⎄⎒āļģāˇāˇ‚āˇ’āļ¸āˇ āˇƒāˇ„ āļąāˇāļœāˇƒāˇāļšāˇ’ āļ´āļģāļ¸āˇāļĢ⎔ āļļāˇāļ¸āˇŠāļļ ⎄⎙āļŊ⎓āļ¸āˇ™āļąāˇŠ āˇ€āˇƒāļģ 80 āļšāļ§ āļ´āˇƒāˇ–

āļ‡āļŊ⎙āļšāˇŠāˇƒāˇŠ āļŊ⎐āļąāˇŠāļ§āˇ’āļēāļģ⎊ āˇ€āˇ’āˇƒāˇ’āļąāˇ’.
āļ¸āˇ™āˇ„⎒ āļ´āļŊ⎀āļąāˇŠāļąāˇš āļŊāˇāļš āˇƒāļ¸āˇāļĸāˇ€āˇāļ¯āˇ“ ⎀⎙āļļ⎊ āļ…āļŠāˇ€āˇ’āļē⎚ (āļŊāˇāˇƒāˇ€āˇ™āļ…) 2025 āļ…āļœāˇāˇƒāˇŠāļ­ āļ¸āˇƒ 06  āļ¯āˇ’āļą â€˜80 years since the atomic bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki’ āļēāļą āˇ„āˇ’āˇƒāˇ’āļąāˇŠ āļ´āļŊ⎀⎖ āļ‡āļŊ⎙āļšāˇŠāˇƒāˇŠ āļŊ⎐āļąāˇŠāļ§āˇ’āļēāļģ⎊  āˇ€āˇ’āˇƒāˇ’āļąāˇŠ āļŊ⎒āļēāļą āļŊāļ¯ āļŊ⎒āļ´āˇ’āļē⎚ āˇƒāˇ’āļ‚⎄āļŊ āļ´āļģ⎒⎀āļģ⎊āļ­āļąāļē āļē⎒.
after the blasts
⎄⎒āļģāˇāˇ‚āˇ’āļ¸āˇ, āļĸāļ´āˇāļąāļē 1945 āļąāˇœāˇ€āˇāļ¸āˇŠāļļāļģ⎊. [āļĄāˇāļēāˇāļģ⎖āļ´āļē: LTJG Charles E. Ahl Jr]

āˇ€āˇƒāļģ āļ…āˇƒāˇ–āˇ€āļšāļ§ āļ´āˇ™āļģ, āļ‘āļšāˇŠāˇƒāļ­āˇŠ āļĸāļąāļ´āļ¯ āļ†āļąāˇŠāļŠāˇ”⎀ āļŊāˇāļš āļ…āļ°āˇ’āļģāˇāļĸāˇŠâ€āļēāˇ€āˇāļ¯āļē⎚ āļļāˇ’āˇ„āˇ’āˇƒāˇ”āļĢ⎔āļ¸ āļē⎔āļ¯ āļ…āļ´āļģāˇāļ° āˇ€āļŊ⎒āļąāˇŠ āļ‘āļšāļšāˇŠ āˇƒāˇ’āļ¯āˇ” āļšāļŊ⎚āļē: āļ’ āļĸāļ´āˇāļąāļē⎚ ⎄⎒āļģāˇāˇ‚āˇ’āļ¸āˇ āˇƒāˇ„ āļąāˇāļœāˇƒāˇāļšāˇ’ ⎀āļŊāļ§ āļ´āļģāļ¸āˇāļĢ⎔ āļļāˇāļ¸āˇŠāļļ ⎄⎙āļŊ⎓āļ¸āļē⎒. 1945 āļ…āļœāˇāˇƒāˇŠāļ­āˇ” 6 āˇƒāˇ„ 9 āļēāļą āļ¯āˇ’āļąāˇ€āļŊ āˇƒāˇ’āļ¯āˇ”⎀⎖ āļļāˇāļ¸āˇŠāļļ āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāˇ„āˇāļģ⎀āļŊ⎒āļąāˇŠ āļ´āˇ”āļ¯āˇŠāļœāļŊāļēāļąāˇŠ 120,000 āļšāˇŠ āļšāˇŠāˇ‚āļĢ⎒āļšāˇ€ āļ¸āˇ’āļē āļœāˇ’āļē āļ…āļ­āļģ āļ‰āļąāˇŠ āļ‰āļšāˇŠāļļ⎒āļ­āˇ’⎀ 250,000 āļ­āˇŠ 300,000 āļ­āˇŠ āļ…āļ­āļģ ⎃āļ‚āļ›āˇŠâ€āļēāˇāˇ€āļšāˇŠ āļ¸āˇ’āļē āļœāˇ’āļē⎄.

⎄⎒āļģāˇāˇ‚āˇ’āļ¸āˇ āļļāˇāļ¸āˇŠāļļ āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāˇ„āˇāļģāļē āļ´āˇ’⎅⎒āļļāļŗ āļĸāˇāļ­āˇŠâ€āļēāļąāˇŠāļ­āļģ āļ…āļąāˇ”āˇƒāˇŠāļ¸āļģāļĢāļēāļšāˇŠ āļŠāļē⎚ āļąāˇœāļ­āˇ’āļļ⎖ ⎀⎖ āļ­āļģāļ¸āˇŠ ⎀⎖ āļ…āļ­āļģ, āˇƒāˇ™āļąāˇƒāˇ”āļģāˇāļ¯āˇ āļ§ āļąāˇāļœāˇƒāˇāļšāˇ’ āļļāˇāļ¸āˇŠāļļ āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāˇ„āˇāļģāļēāļ§ āļŠāļ§ āˇ€āļŠāˇ ⎀⎐āļŠāˇ’āļē āļŊ⎐āļļ⎙āļą āļļ⎀āļ§ āļ‰āļŸāˇ’āļēāļšāˇŠ āļąāˇāļ­. āļ‘⎄⎙āļ­āˇŠ āļ…āļ¯, āļ‘āļšāˇŠāˇƒāļ­āˇŠ āļĸāļąāļ´āļ¯ āļĸāļąāˇāļ°āˇ’āļ´āļ­āˇ’ āļŠāˇœāļąāļŊ⎊āļŠāˇŠ āļ§āˇŠâ€āļģāļ¸āˇŠāļ´āˇŠ āļ‰āļģāˇāļąāļēāļ§ āˇƒāˇ„ āļģāˇ”āˇƒāˇ’āļēāˇāˇ€āļ§ āļąāˇŠâ€āļēāˇ‚āˇŠāļ§āˇ’āļš āļ…⎀⎒⎀āļŊ⎒āļąāˇŠ āļ­āļģ⎊āļĸāļąāļē āļšāļģāļą āļ…āļ­āļģ āļē⎔āļģāˇāļ´āļē āļ´āˇ”āļģāˇ āļ†āļąāˇŠāļŠāˇ” āļąāˇŠâ€āļēāˇ‚āˇŠāļ§āˇ’āļš āļ…⎀⎒- ⎃āļąāˇŠāļąāļ¯āˇŠāļ° āļģāˇāļĸāˇŠâ€āļēāļēāļąāˇŠ āļ…āļ­āļģ “āļ‰āˇ„⎅-āļ­āˇ“āˇ€āˇŠâ€āļģāļ­āˇ āļē⎔āļ¯āˇŠāļ°āļēāļšāˇŠâ€ ⎃āļŗāˇ„āˇ āˇƒāˇ–āļ¯āˇāļąāļ¸āˇŠ ⎀āļą āļŊāˇ™āˇƒ āļ‰āļŊ⎊āļŊāˇ āˇƒāˇ’āļ§āˇ’āļą āˇ€āˇ’āļ§, āļ¸āˇ™āļ¸ āļē⎔āļ¯ āļ…āļ´āļģāˇāļ°āļē āļˇāļēāˇāļąāļš āˇƒāļ¸āļšāˇāļŊ⎓āļą āˇ€āˇāļ¯āļœāļ­āˇŠāļšāļ¸āļšāˇŠ āļœāļąāˇ“. āļ”⎀⎔āļąāˇŠāˇ€ āļ‰āļąāˇŠ ⎀⎅āļšāˇāļŊ⎖āļē⎚ āļąāˇāļ­āˇ’āļąāļ¸āˇŠ āļļāļŊ⎀āļ­āˇŠāļ¸ āļ°āļąāˇšāˇāˇŠāˇ€āļģ āļ†āļąāˇŠāļŠāˇ”⎀āļŊ āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāļ­āˇ’āļ´āļ­āˇŠāļ­āˇ’ āļŊāˇœāˇ€ āļœāˇ™āļą āļēāļąāˇŠāļąāˇš āļšāˇœāļ­āˇāļąāļ§āļ¯ āļēāļąāˇŠāļą āļ‘āļē āļŊāˇœāˇ€ āļ´āˇ”āļģāˇ āļšāļ¸āˇŠāļšāļģ⎔⎀āļąāˇŠāļ§ āļ…āļąāļ­āˇ”āļģ⎔ āļ‡āļŸāˇ€āˇ“āļ¸āļšāˇ’.

1945 āļ…āļœāˇāˇƒāˇŠāļ­āˇ” 6 ⎀āļą āļ¯āˇ’āļą āļ‘āļąāˇāļŊāˇ āļœāˇš  āļąāļ¸āˇŠ B-29 āļļāˇāļ¸āˇŠāļļ ⎄⎙āļŊāļą āļ…āˇ„āˇƒāˇŠ āļēāˇāļąāļē  “āļŊ⎒āļ§āˇŠāļŊ⎊ āļļāˇāļē⎒” āļąāļ¸āˇ’āļąāˇŠ āļšāˇšāļ­āļąāļē āļšāˇ… āļ´āļģāļ¸āˇāļĢ⎔ āļļāˇāļ¸āˇŠāļļāļēāļšāˇŠāļļ⎊ ⎄⎒āļģāˇāˇ‚āˇ’āļ¸āˇ ⎀⎙āļ­ āˇ„āˇ™āˇ…āˇ“āļē. TNT āļ§āˇœāļąāˇŠ 15,000āļš āļ´āļ¸āļĢ āļļāļŊāļēāļšāˇ’āļąāˇŠ āļ´āˇ”āļ´āˇ”āļģāˇ āļœāˇ’āļē āļ‘āļē, āļąāˇŠâ€āļēāˇ‚āˇŠāļ§āˇ’āļš āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāļ­āˇ’āļšāˇŠâ€āļģ⎒āļēāˇāˇ€āˇ™āļąāˇŠ āˇ€āˇāˇ‚āˇŠāļ´ āˇ€āˇ“āļ¸āˇ™āļąāˇŠ āˇ„āˇ āļąāļœāļģāļē ⎃āļ¸āļ­āļŊāˇ āļšāļģāļ¸āˇ’āļąāˇŠ āļ‘āļē āļ¸āˇ”āļ¯āˇ ⎄⎐āļģ⎒ āļšāļ¸āˇŠāļ´āļą āļ­āļģāļ‚āļœ āˇƒāˇ„ āļœāˇ’āļąāˇ’ āļšāˇ”āļĢāˇāļ§āˇ”⎀⎙āļąāˇŠ, āļ¸āˇ’āļąāˇ’āˇƒāˇ”āļąāˇŠ 80,000 āļšāˇŠ āˇ€āˇ„āˇāļ¸ āļ¸āļģāˇ āļ¯āˇāļ¸āˇ“āļē. āļ¯āˇ’āļą āļ­āˇ”āļąāļšāļ§ āļ´āˇƒāˇ” āļ­āˇ€āļ­āˇŠ āļļ⎜āļšāˇŠāˇƒāˇŠāļšāˇāļģ⎊ āļąāļ¸āˇŠ B-29 āļšāˇŠ, “⎆⎐āļ§āˇŠ āļ¸āˇ‘āļąāˇŠ” āļļāˇāļ¸āˇŠāļļāļē āļąāˇāļœāˇƒāˇāļšāˇ’ ⎀⎙āļ­ āˇ„āˇ™āˇ…āļą āļŊāļ¯ āļ…āļ­āļģ, āļ‘āļē āļ­āˇ€āļ­āˇŠ āļ¸āˇ’āļąāˇ’āˇƒāˇ”āļąāˇŠ 40,000āļšāˇŠ  āļ‘āˇƒāˇāļąāˇ’āļąāˇŠ āļ¸āļģāˇ āļ¯āˇāļ¸āˇ“āļē.

āļ´āˇ’āļ´āˇ’āļģ⎔āļ¸āˇšāļ¯āˇ“ āļąāļœāļģāļē⎚ āļ‹āˇ‚āˇŠāļĢāļ­āˇŠāˇ€āļē āˇƒāˇ™āļŊāˇŠāˇƒāˇ’āļē⎃⎊ āļ…āļ‚⎁āļš āļ¯āˇ„āˇƒāˇŠ āļœāļĢāļąāļšāļ§ āˇ…āļŸāˇ ⎀⎓āļ¸ āļąāˇ’āˇƒāˇāˇ€āˇ™āļąāˇŠ,  āˇƒāˇ’āˇ€āˇ’āļŊ⎊ āˇ€āˇāˇƒāˇ’āļēāļąāˇŠāļ§ āˇƒāˇ’āļ¯āˇ” ⎀⎖ āļļāˇ’āˇ„āˇ’āˇƒāˇ”āļĢ⎔ āļ´āˇ’āˇ…āˇ’āˇƒāˇŠāˇƒāˇ”āļ¸āˇŠ āļ­āˇ”āˇ€āˇāļŊ āļ´āˇ’⎅⎒āļļāļŗāˇ€ ⎄⎒āļģāˇāˇ‚āˇ’āļ¸āˇ ⎄⎒ ⎀⎛āļ¯āˇŠâ€āļē⎀āļģ⎔ āˇƒāˇāļšāˇŠāˇ‚⎒ āļ¯āˇ”āļąāˇŠāˇ„. āļ‘āļšāˇŠ ⎀⎛āļ¯āˇŠâ€āļē⎀āļģāļē⎙āļšāˇŠ āļ´āˇāˇ€āˇƒāˇ”āˇ€āˇš, “āļ´āļĢāļ´āˇ’āļ§āˇ’āļąāˇŠ āļ­āˇāļ¸āˇŠāļļāˇ–āˇ€āˇāļšāˇŠ āļ¸āˇ™āļąāˇŠ āļ´āˇ™āļąāˇ™āļą āļ¸āˇ’āļēāļœāˇ’āļē āļ¸āˇ’āļąāˇ’āˇƒāˇ”āļąāˇŠāļœāˇ™āļąāˇŠ āļ´āˇ’āļģ⎓ āļœāˇ’āļąāˇ’ āļĸāļŊāˇāˇâ€ āļ­āļ¸āˇāļ§ āˇ„āļ¸āˇ” ⎀⎖ āļļ⎀āļē⎒. āļ­āˇ€āļ­āˇŠ āļ…āļē⎙āļšāˇŠ ⎃āļ¸āˇŠāļ´āˇ–āļģ⎊āļĢāļē⎙āļąāˇŠāļ¸ āļąāˇ’āļģ⎔⎀āļ­āˇŠ, āļŊ⎚ ⎀⎐āļšāˇ’ āˇƒāˇ„ āļ¸āļŠ āˇ€āļŊ⎒āļąāˇŠ āˇ€āˇāˇƒāˇ“ āļ­āˇ’āļļ⎔ āļ¸āˇ’āļąāˇ’āˇƒāˇ™āļšāˇ”āļœāˇš āļģ⎖āļ´āˇāļšāˇāļģāļē,  āļ”⎄⎔ āļ¯āˇ”āļ§āˇ” āļ†āļšāˇāļģāļē āˇ€āˇ’āˇƒāˇŠāļ­āļģ āļšāˇ…āˇšāļē:

⎁āļģ⎓āļģāļē ⎃āļ¸āˇŠāļ´āˇ–āļģ⎊āļĢāļē⎙āļąāˇŠāļ¸ āļ‰āļ¯āˇ’āļ¸āˇ“ āļ­āˇ’āļļ⎔āļĢ⎒. āˇƒāˇ’āļģ⎔āļģ⎚ āļąāˇ’āļģ⎔⎀āļ­āˇŠ āļŊ⎐āļ¸āˇ™āˇ„⎒ āˇƒāˇ„ āļ‰āļąāˇ™āˇ„⎒ ⎀⎐āļģ⎄⎐āļŊ⎒ āļ‘āļŊ⎊āļŊ⎙āļ¸āˇ’āļąāˇŠ āļ­āˇ’āļļ⎒āļĢ⎒. āļ´āˇ„āļ­āļ§ āˇ„āˇāļģ⎀⎖ āļ…āļ­āˇŠāļŊ ⎃āļ¸āļœ āļ¯āˇ‘āļ­āˇŠ āļ´āˇ’āļēāļē⎔āļģ⎔  āļ¸āļ­ āˇ€āˇ’āļē. āļģ⎙āļ¯āˇ’ āļšāļŠāļ¸āˇ…⎔ ⎀āļŊ⎒āļąāˇŠ ⎀āļ­āˇ”āļģ āļļ⎒āļ‚āļ¯āˇ”  āļļ⎚āļģ⎓ ⎀⎐āļ§āˇ”āļĢāˇ. āļ‡āļ­āˇŠāļ­ āˇ€āˇāļē⎙āļąāˇŠāļ¸, āļ¸āļ¸ āļģ⎙āļ¯āˇ’ āļšāļŠāļ¸āˇ…⎔ āļŊāˇ™āˇƒ āļ¯āˇāļš āļ‡āļ­āˇŠāļ­āˇš āļ¸āˇ’āļąāˇ’āˇƒāˇŠ ⎃āļ¸āˇŠ āļšāˇāļļāļŊ⎒ ⎀⎖ āļ…āļ­āļģ āļĸāļŊ āļļ⎒āļ‚āļ¯āˇ” āļ¸āˇ’āļąāˇ’āˇƒāˇŠ āļģ⎔āļ°āˇ’āļģāļē ⎀⎒āļē. … āļ¸āļ¸ āļ¸āˇ āļ‰āļ¯āˇ’āļģ⎒āļē⎚ āļ‡āļ­āˇ’ āļ´āˇāļģ āļ¯āˇ’āˇ„āˇ āļļ⎐āļŊāˇ”āˇ€āˇ. āļąāˇ’āļģāˇŠāˇ€āˇƒāˇŠāļ­āˇŠâ€āļģ ⎀⎖, āļ´āˇ’āˇ…āˇ’āˇƒāˇŠāˇƒāˇ”āļĢ⎔ āˇƒāˇ„ āļŊ⎚ ⎀⎐āļšāˇ’, āļœāļĢāļąāˇŠ āļšāˇ… āļąāˇœāˇ„⎐āļšāˇ’ āļąāˇœāļ¸āļŊ⎀⎔āļąāˇŠ āļ¸āļœāˇš  āļ¸āˇāˇ€āļ­ āļ…⎀⎔āļģāˇ āˇƒāˇ’āļ§āˇ’āļē⎄.

āļ‰āļąāˇŠ ⎃āļ­āˇ’āļēāļšāļ§ āļ´āˇƒāˇ”, ⎀⎛āļ¯āˇŠâ€āļē⎀āļģ⎔ āļšāļ¸āˇŠāļ´āļąāļēāļ§ āļ´āļ­āˇŠ āļšāļģāļ¸āˇ’āļąāˇŠ āļļāˇœāˇ„āˇ āļ¯āˇ’⎀⎒ āļœāļŊāˇ€āˇ āļœāļ­āˇŠ āļ…āļē   āļ…āļ°āˇ’āļš āļ‹āļĢ āˇƒāˇ„ āļ…āļˇāˇŠâ€āļēāļąāˇŠāļ­āļģ āļģ⎔āļ°āˇ’āļģ ⎀⎄āļąāļē āˇ„āˇšāļ­āˇ”⎀⎙āļąāˇŠ āļ¸āˇ’āļē āļēāˇāļ¸āļ§ āļ´āļ§āļąāˇŠ āļœāļ­āˇŠāļ­āˇš  āļ­āˇ€āļ¸āļ­āˇŠ āļ‘āļ­āļģāļ¸āˇŠ āļąāˇœāļ¯āļąāˇŠāļąāˇ āļģāˇāļœāļēāļšāˇ’āļąāˇ’: ⎀⎒āļšāˇ’āļģāļĢ āˇ€āˇ’āˇ‚ ⎀⎓āļ¸. āļ´āˇƒāˇ”⎀ ⎀⎒āļ¯āˇŠâ€āļēāˇāļĨāļē⎒āļąāˇŠ ⎃⎜āļēāˇ āļœāļ­āˇŠāļ­āˇš āļļāˇāļ¸āˇŠāļļ ⎀āļŊ⎒āļąāˇŠ āļąāˇ’āļšāˇ”āļ­āˇŠ ⎀⎖ āļœāˇāļ¸āˇ ⎀⎒āļšāˇ’āļģāļĢ āļ¯āˇ’⎀⎒ āļœāļŊāˇ€āˇ āļœāļ­āˇŠ āļ…āļēāļœāˇš āļ‡āļ§āļ¸āˇ’āļ¯āˇ”⎅⎔ ⎀⎒āļąāˇāˇ āļšāļģ āļąāˇ€ āļģ⎔āļ°āˇ’āļģ āˇƒāˇ›āļŊ āļąāˇ’āļ´āļ¯āˇ€āˇ“āļ¸ āļ…āˇ€āˇƒāļąāˇŠ āļšāļģ āļ‡āļ­āˇ’ āļļ⎀āļē⎒ – āļ‘⎀⎒āļ§ āļ”⎀⎔āļąāˇŠāļœāˇš āļģ⎔āļ°āˇ’āļģāļē āļˇāļēāˇāļąāļš āļŊāˇ™āˇƒ āļ­āˇ”āļąāˇ“ ⎀⎓ āļ†āˇƒāˇāļ¯āļąāˇ€āļŊāļ§ āļ‘āļģ⎙⎄⎒⎀ ⎃āļ§āļąāˇŠ āļšāˇ’āļģ⎓āļ¸āļ§ āļąāˇœāˇ„⎐āļšāˇ’ āˇ€āˇš. āļ¸āˇ’āļē āļąāˇœāļœāˇ’āļē āļ…āļē āļ…āļ­āļģ⎒āļąāˇŠ āļ­āˇ€āļ­āˇŠ āļļāˇœāˇ„āˇ āļ¯āˇ™āļąāˇ™āļšāˇŠ āļ´āˇƒāˇ”⎀ āļ´āˇ’⎅⎒āļšāˇ ⎀āļŊ⎒āļąāˇŠ āļ¸āˇ’āļē āļē⎐āļ¸āļ§ āļąāˇ’āļēāļ¸āˇ’āļ­ āˇ€āˇ’āļē.

āļ§āˇŠâ€āļģ⎜āļ§āˇŠāˇƒāˇŠāļšāˇ’āˇ€āˇāļ¯āˇ“ āˇ€āˇŠâ€āļēāˇāļ´āˇāļģāļē āļļāˇāļ¸āˇŠāļļ āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāˇ„āˇāļģ āļē⎔āļ¯ āļ…āļ´āļģāˇāļ°āļēāļšāˇŠ āļŊāˇ™āˇƒ ⎄⎙āļŊāˇ āļ¯āˇ”āļ§āˇ”āˇ€āˇšāļē. ⎃āļ¸āˇāļĸāˇ€āˇāļ¯āˇ“ āļšāļ¸āˇŠāļšāļģ⎔ āļ´āļšāˇŠāˇ‚āļē⎚ (āļ‘āˇƒāˇŠāļŠāļļ⎊āļŊāˇ’āˇ€āˇŠāļ´āˇ“) āļąāˇāļēāļš āļĸ⎚āļ¸āˇŠāˇƒāˇŠ āļ´āˇ“. āļšāˇāļąāļąāˇŠ 1945 āļ…āļœāˇāˇƒāˇŠāļ­āˇ” 22 āļ¯āˇ āļąāˇ’āˇ€āˇŠ āļēāˇāļģ⎊āļšāˇŠāˇ„⎒ ⎃āļ¸āļģ⎔⎀āļšāļ¯āˇ“, ⎃⎊āļ§āˇāļŊ⎒āļąāˇŠāˇ€āˇāļ¯āˇ“ āļ’āļĸāļąāˇŠāļ­ āļģ⎚āļ¸āļąāˇŠ āļ¸āļģ⎊āļšāˇšāļŠāļģ⎊ āˇ€āˇ’āˇƒāˇ’āļąāˇŠ āļŊ⎒āļē⎜āļąāˇŠ āļ§āˇŠâ€āļģ⎜āļ§āˇŠāˇƒāˇŠāļšāˇ’ āļāˇāļ­āļąāļē āļšāļģ āˇ€āˇƒāļģ āļ´āˇ„āļšāˇŠ ⎃⎐āļ¸āļģ⎓āļ¸āˇš āļģāˇāˇƒāˇŠāˇ€āˇ“āļ¸āļš āļ¯āˇ“ āļ¸āˇš āļ´āˇ’āļŊ⎒āļļāļŗāˇ€ āļšāļ­āˇ āļšāļŊ⎚āļē. ⎄⎒āļģāˇāˇ‚āˇ’āļ¸āˇ āˇƒāˇ„ āļąāˇāļœāˇƒāˇāļšāˇ’ āˇ€āˇāˇƒāˇ’āļēāļąāˇŠ, “āˇ€āˇāļŊ⎊ ⎀⎓āļ¯āˇ’āļē⎚ āļ…āļ°āˇ’āļģāˇāļĸāˇŠâ€āļēāˇ€āˇāļ¯āˇ“āļąāˇŠ āˇƒāˇ„ āļĸāļ´āˇāļąāļē⎚ āļ‘⎀⎐āļąāˇ’āļ¸ āļšāļŊ⎊āļŊ⎒āļēāļšāˇŠ āļ…āļ­āļģ āļ‡āļ­āˇ’ ⎀⎖ āļ†āļģ⎀⎔āļŊāļšāˇŠ āˇ„āˇšāļ­āˇ”⎀⎙āļąāˇŠ āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāˇ„āˇāļģ āļ¯āˇ™āļšāļšāˇ’āļąāˇŠ āļ¸āˇ’āļē āļœāˇ’āļē āļļ⎀” āļ”⎄⎔ āļ´āˇāˇ€āˇƒāˇ“āļē. āļ”⎄⎔  1945 āļ¯āˇ“ āļ¸āˇ™āļąāˇŠ āļ…āļ¯āļ­āˇŠ ⎃āļ­āˇŠâ€āļē ⎀āļą āļ…āļąāļ­āˇ”āļģ⎔ āļ‡āļŸāˇ€āˇ“āļ¸āļšāˇŠ āļąāˇ’āļšāˇ”āļ­āˇŠ āļšāˇ…āˇšāļē: 

“āļļāˇœāˇ„āˇ āļšāļŊāļšāļ§ āļ´āˇ™āļģ ⎀⎒āļ´āˇŠāļŊāˇ€āˇ€āˇāļ¯āˇ“ āļ¸āˇāļšāˇŠāˇƒāˇŠāˇ€āˇāļ¯āˇ“āļąāˇŠ āļ´āˇāˇ€āˇƒāˇ”āˇ€āˇš āļ¸āˇāļąāˇ€ ⎀āļģ⎊āļœāļēāˇ āļ¸āˇ”⎄⎔āļĢ āļ¯āˇ™āļą āˇ€āˇ’āļšāļŊ⎊āļ´āļē ⎃āļ¸āˇāļĸāˇ€āˇāļ¯āļē āˇ„āˇ āļąāˇ€ āļ¸āˇŠāļŊ⎚āļ āˇŠāļĄāļ­āˇŠāˇ€āļē āļļ⎀āļē⎒, āļ°āļąāˇ€āˇāļ¯āļē āļąāļ§āļšāˇ”āļąāˇŠ ⎀⎙āļ­ āļšāļŠāˇ āļ´āˇāļ­āˇŠ ⎀⎙āļ¸āˇ’āļąāˇŠ āļ‘āļēāļ­āˇŠ ⎃āļ¸āļœ āˇāˇ’āˇ‚āˇŠāļ§āˇāļ āˇāļģāļēā āļ‡āļ¯āļœāˇ™āļą āļēāˇāļ¸āļ§ āļ­āļģ⎊āļĸāļąāļē āļšāļģāļą āļļ⎀āļē⎒. āļ‘⎄⎙āļ­āˇŠ āļ¸āˇ™āļ¸ āļē⎔āļ¯āˇŠāļ°āļē⎚ āļ¯āˇ“ ⎀āļģ⎊āļ°āļąāļē ⎀⎓ āļ‡āļ­āˇ’ āˇƒāˇ„ āļ…āļąāˇāļœāļ­āļē ⎃āļŗāˇ„āˇ āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāļšāˇŠāˇ‚āˇšāļ´āļĢāļē āļšāļģ āļ‡āļ­āˇ’ āļ¯āˇš āļ…āļąāˇ”⎀, … ⎀⎒āļšāļŊ⎊āļ´āļē ⎀āļŠāˇāļ­āˇŠ āļąāˇ’āˇāˇŠāļ āˇ’āļ­ āļšāˇ… ⎄⎐āļšāˇ’āļē: āļ¸āˇāļąāˇ€ ⎀āļģ⎊āļœāļēāˇ āļ¸āˇ”⎄⎔āļĢ āļ¯āˇ™āļą āˇ€āˇ’āļšāļŊ⎊āļ´āļē ⎃āļ¸āˇāļĸāˇ€āˇāļ¯āļē āˇ„āˇ āļ¸āˇ–āļŊ⎜āļ­āˇŠāļ´āˇāļ§āļąāļē āļē⎒! āļ°āļąāˇ€āˇāļ¯āļēāļ§ āļ´āˇ€āļ­āˇ’āļąāˇŠāļąāļ§ āļ‰āļŠ āļ¯āˇ™āļąāˇ€āˇāļ¯ āļ‘āˇƒāˇšāļ­āˇŠ āļąāˇāļ­āˇ’āļąāļ¸āˇŠ āļ¸āļąāˇ”āˇ‚āˇŠâ€āļē ⎀āļģ⎊āļœāļēāˇ āļ¸āˇš āļ¸āˇ’⎄⎒āļ­āļŊāļē āļ¸āļ­ āļ­āˇ€āļ¯āˇ”āļģāļ§āļ­āˇŠ āļąāˇœāļąāˇāˇƒāˇ“ āļ´āˇ€āļ­āˇ’āļąāˇ€āˇāļ¯ āļēāļąāˇŠāļą āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģ⎁⎊āļąāļē āˇ€āˇš.”

āļšāˇāļąāļąāˇŠāļœāˇš āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāļšāˇāˇāļē āļ¯āˇ™āˇ€āļą āļŊāˇāļš āļē⎔āļ¯āˇŠāļ°āļē⎚ āļ¯āˇ“ āļ´āļ¸āļĢāļšāˇŠ āļąāˇœāˇ€ āļąāˇāļœāˇ“ āļ‘āļą āˇƒāˇ“āļ­āļŊ āļē⎔āļ¯āˇŠāļ°āļē⎚ āļ¯āˇ“ āļ¯ āļšāļ¸āˇŠāļšāļģ⎔⎀āļąāˇŠ āļ¸āˇ”⎄⎔āļą āļ¯āˇ™āļą āļœāˇāļ§āˇ…⎔ āļ†āļŊāˇāļšāˇ€āļ­āˇŠ āļšāļŊ⎚ āļē. āļ…āļ°āˇ’āļģāˇāļĸāˇŠâ€āļēāˇ€āˇāļ¯āˇ“ āˇ„āˇ ⎃⎊āļ§āˇāļŊ⎒āļąāˇŠāˇ€āˇāļ¯āˇ“ āļē⎔āļ¯ āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāļ āˇāļģāļšāļē⎒āļąāˇŠ āļšāˇ’āļēāˇ āˇƒāˇ’āļ§āˇ’ āļ´āļģ⎒āļ¯āˇ’ āļŊāˇāļš āļē⎔āļ¯āˇŠāļ°āļē āˇ†āˇāˇƒāˇ’āˇƒāˇŠāļ§āˇŠāˇ€āˇāļ¯āļēāļ§ āļ‘āļģ⎙⎄⎒⎀ āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāļĸāˇāļ­āļąāˇŠāļ­āˇŠâ€āļģāˇ€āˇāļ¯āļē āˇƒāˇ”āļģāļšāˇŠāˇ‚⎒āļ­ āļšāˇ’āļģ⎓āļ¸āˇš āļē⎔āļ¯āˇŠāļ°āļēāļšāˇŠ āļąāˇœāˇ€āˇ“āļē. āļ´āˇ…āļ¸āˇ”⎀āļą āļŊāˇāļš āˇƒāļ‚āļœāˇŠâ€āļģāˇāļ¸āļē⎚āļ¯āˇ“ āļ¸āˇ™āļąāˇŠāļ¸, āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāļ¸āˇ”āļ› āļ°āļąāˇšāˇāˇŠāˇ€āļģ āļļāļŊ⎀āļ­āˇ”āļąāˇŠ āļŊāˇāļšāļē āļ­āļ¸āļąāˇŠ āļ…āļ­āļģ āļąāˇāˇ€āļ­ āļļ⎙āļ¯āˇ āļœāˇāļąāˇ“āļ¸āļ§ āļąāˇ’āļģ⎊āļ¯āļē āļŊāˇ™āˇƒ ⎃āļ§āļąāˇŠ āļšāļģāļ¸āˇ’āļąāˇŠ āˇƒāˇ’āļ§āˇ’āļē⎄.

āļ´āļģāļ¸āˇāļĢ⎔ āļļāˇāļ¸āˇŠāļļ ⎄⎙āļŊ⎓āļ¸ āļ´āˇ’āļ§āˇ”āļ´āˇƒ āļˇāˇ– āļ¯āˇšāˇāļ´āˇāļŊāļąāˇ’āļš āļ…āˇ€āˇāˇŠâ€āļēāļ­āˇ: āˇ€āˇœāˇ‚āˇ’āļąāˇŠāļ§āļąāļē āˇƒāˇāˇ€āˇ’āļēāļ§āˇŠ ⎃āļ‚āļœāļ¸āļēāļ§ āļ‘āļģ⎙⎄⎒⎀ “āļšāˇ”āļŊ⎔ āļœāˇ™āļŠāˇ’āļēāļšāˇŠâ€ āļŊāļļāˇ āļœāļąāˇ“

āļ¯āˇāļš āļœāļąāļąāˇāˇ€āļšāˇŠ āļ­āˇ’āˇƒāˇŠāˇƒāˇš, āļ‘āļšāˇŠāˇƒāļ­āˇŠ āļĸāļąāļ´āļ¯āļē⎚ āļ´āˇāˇƒāļŊ⎊ āˇƒāˇ’āˇƒāˇ”āļąāˇŠāļ§ āļ‹āļœāˇāļąāˇŠāˇ€āˇ–āļē⎚ āļ´āļģāļ¸āˇāļĢ⎔ āļļāˇāļ¸āˇŠāļļ ⎄⎙āļŊ⎓āļ¸āˇš āļ…āļģāļ¸āˇ”āļĢ āˇ€āˇ–āļē⎚ “āļĸ⎓⎀⎒āļ­ āļļ⎚āļģāˇ āļœāˇāļąāˇ“āļ¸â€ āˇƒāˇ„ āļĸāļ´āˇāļąāļēāļ§ āļēāļ§āļ­āˇŠ ⎀⎓āļ¸āļ§ āļļāļŊ āļšāˇ… ⎄⎐āļšāˇ’ āļ‘āļšāļ¸ āļ¸āˇāļģ⎊āļœāļē āļ‘āļē ⎀⎖ āļļ⎀āļē āļēāļą āļļ⎜āļģ⎔⎀ āļē. āļ¸āˇ™āļ¸ āļ†āļ›āˇŠâ€āļēāˇāļąāļēāļ§ āļ…āļąāˇ”⎀ ⎄⎒āļģāˇāˇ‚āˇ’āļ¸āˇ āˇƒāˇ„ āļąāˇāļœāˇƒāˇāļšāˇ’ āļ´āˇ”āˇ…āˇ”āˇƒāˇŠāˇƒāˇ āļ¯āˇāļ¸āˇ“āļ¸, āļĸāļ´āˇāļąāļēāļ§ āļ‘āļšāˇŠāˇƒāļ­āˇŠ āļĸāļąāļ´āļ¯āļē āˇ€āˇ’āˇƒāˇ’āļąāˇŠ āļ¸āˇ™āˇ„⎙āļē ⎀āļą  āļˇāˇ–āļ¸āˇ’ āļ†āļšāˇŠâ€āļģāļ¸āļĢāļēāļš āļŠāļ§āļ­āˇŠ ⎀āļŠāˇ āˇ€āˇ’āˇāˇāļŊ āļŊ⎚ ⎀⎐āļœāˇ’āļģ⎓āļ¸āļšāˇŠ ⎀⎐⎅⎐āļšāˇŠāˇ€āˇ“āļē. āļēāļŽāˇāļģ⎊āļŽāļē ⎀⎖āļē⎚, āļ¸āˇ’āļ­āˇŠâ€āļģ āļ´āˇāļšāˇŠāˇ‚⎒āļš āļąāˇāˇ€āˇ’āļš āˇ„āļ¸āˇ”āļ¯āˇ āˇ€āˇ’āˇƒāˇ’āļąāˇŠ āļ‰āļąāˇŠāļ¯āˇ”āļąāˇ“āˇƒāˇ’āļēāˇāˇ€āˇš (⎀āļģ⎊āļ­āļ¸āˇāļąāļē⎚) āļ­āˇ™āļŊ⎊ āļ¸āˇ–āļŊāˇāˇāˇŠâ€āļģ⎀āļŊ⎒āļąāˇŠ āļ‘⎄⎒ āļ¸āˇ’āļŊ⎒āļ§āļģ⎒āļē āļšāļ´āˇ āļ¯āļ¸āļą āļŊāļ¯āˇ”⎀ āˇƒāˇ„ āļ‘⎄⎒ āļąāļœāļģ āļ…āļ­āˇœāļģāļšāˇŠ āļąāˇāļ­āˇ’ āļŊāˇ™āˇƒ āļœāˇ’āļąāˇ’ āļļāˇāļ¸āˇŠāļļ  āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāˇ„āˇāļģ āļ‘āļŊ⎊āļŊ āļšāļģāļą  āļŊāļ¯āˇ”⎀, āļĸāļ´āˇāļąāļē  āļ’ āˇ€āļą āˇ€āˇ’āļ§ āļēāļ§āļ­āˇŠ ⎀⎓āļ¸āļ§ āļ…āļ´āˇšāļšāˇŠāˇ‚āˇāˇ€āˇ™āļąāˇŠ āˇƒāˇ’āļ§āˇ’ āļļ⎀āļē.

āļĸāļ´āˇāļąāļē⎚ “āļ¯āļ¸āˇŠ  āļšāˇšāļ­āļē” (“Purple Code”-āļģāˇ„āˇƒāˇŠ āļšāˇšāļ­āļąāļē) āļļ⎒āļŗ āļ¯āļ¸āļą āļŊāļ¯āˇ”⎀, USSR ⎄⎒ āļĸāļ´āˇāļą āļ­āˇāļąāˇāļ´āļ­āˇ’ Sato Naotake āļ’ āˇ€āļą āˇ€āˇ’āļ§āļ­āˇŠ āļ¸āˇœāˇƒāˇŠāļšāˇ€āˇŠāˇ„⎒āļ¯āˇ“ āļēāļ§āļ­āˇŠ ⎀⎓āļ¸āˇš āļšāˇœāļąāˇŠāļ¯āˇšāˇƒāˇ’ āˇƒāˇāļšāļ āˇŠāļĄāˇ āļšāļģāļ¸āˇ’āļąāˇŠ āˇƒāˇ’āļ§āˇ’āļą āļļ⎀ āļ‘āļšāˇŠāˇƒāļ­āˇŠ āļĸāļąāļ´āļ¯ āļąāˇ’āļŊāļ°āˇāļģ⎓āļąāˇŠ āļ¯āˇāļą āˇƒāˇ’āļ§āˇ’āļē⎄. 1945 āļĸ⎖āļąāˇ’ 30 ⎀āļą āļ¯āˇ’āļą, āļĸāļ´āˇāļą āļ…āļ°āˇ’āļģāˇāļĸāˇŠâ€āļēāļēāˇ ⎀⎖ ⎄⎒āļģāˇāˇ„āˇ’āļ­āˇāļ§ āļē⎔āļ¯āˇŠāļ°āļē “āļ‰āļšāˇŠāļ¸āļąāˇŠ āļ…āˇ€āˇƒāļąāˇŠ āļšāˇ’āļģ⎓āļ¸āļ§” āļ…āˇ€āˇāˇŠâ€āļē āļļ⎀āļ­āˇŠ, āļąāļ¸āˇ”āļ­āˇŠ “āļ‘āļ‚āļœāļŊāļąāˇŠāļ­āļē āˇƒāˇ„ āļ‘āļšāˇŠāˇƒāļ­āˇŠ āļĸāļąāļ´āļ¯āļē āļšāˇœāļąāˇŠāļ¯āˇšāˇƒāˇ’ ⎀⎒āļģ⎄⎒āļ­āˇ€ āļēāļ§āļ­āˇŠ ⎀⎒āļē āļē⎔āļ­āˇ” āļļ⎀ āļ…⎀āļ°āˇāļģāļąāļē āļšāļģāļą āļ­āˇāļšāˇŠ” āļ¸āˇ™āļē āļšāˇ… āļąāˇœāˇ„⎐āļšāˇ’ āļļ⎀āļ­āˇŠ āļšāˇŠâ€āļģ⎙āļ¸āˇŠāļŊ⎒āļąāļēāļ§ āļ´āˇāˇ€āˇƒāˇ“āļ¸āļ§ āˇƒāˇāļ§āˇāļ§ āļąāˇ’āļēāˇāļœ āļŊ⎐āļļ⎓ āļ­āˇ’āļļ⎔āļĢ⎒. āļ§āˇāļšāˇ’āļēāˇāˇ€āļ§ āļ…āˇ€āˇāˇŠâ€āļē ⎀⎖āļē⎚ āļģāļ§ āļ­āˇ”⎅ ⎀⎒āļ´āˇŠāļŊ⎀āļē ⎀⎐⎅⎐āļšāˇŠāˇ€āˇ“āļ¸ āˇƒāļŗāˇ„āˇ  āļē⎔āļ¯āˇŠāļ°āļē⎙āļąāˇŠ āļ´āˇƒāˇ” āļĸāļēāļœāˇŠâ€āļģāˇāˇ„āˇ“ āļ¸āˇ’āļ­āˇŠâ€āļģ āļ´āˇāļšāˇŠāˇ‚⎒āļšāļē⎒āļąāˇŠ āļ…āļ°āˇ’āļģāˇāļĸāˇŠâ€āļē āļ´āˇ€āˇ”āļŊ āļļāļŊāļē⎙āļąāˇŠ   āļ‰āˇ€āļ­āˇŠ āļąāˇœāļšāļģāļą āļļ⎀āļ§ āˇƒāˇ„āļ­āˇ’āļš āˇ€āˇ“āļ¸ āļē.

āļąāļ¸āˇ”āļ­āˇŠ 1945 āļ…āļœāˇāˇƒāˇŠāļ­āˇ” 2 ⎀āļą āļ¯āˇ’āļą āļ‘āļšāˇŠāˇƒāļ­āˇŠ āļĸāļąāļ´āļ¯āļē, āļļāˇŠâ€āļģ⎒āļ­āˇāļąāˇŠâ€āļēāļē āˇƒāˇ„ āˇƒāˇāˇ€āˇ’āļēāļ§āˇŠ ⎃āļ‚āļœāļ¸āļē āļ…āļ­āļģ āļ´āˇœāļ§āˇŠāˇƒāˇŠāļŠāˇ‘āļ¸āˇŠ āļœāˇ’āˇ€āˇ’āˇƒāˇ”āļ¸ āļĸāļ´āˇāļąāļē āˇ€āˇ’āˇƒāˇ’āļąāˇŠ “āļšāˇœāļąāˇŠāļ¯āˇšāˇƒāˇ’ ⎀⎒āļģ⎄⎒āļ­āˇ€ āļēāļ§āļ­āˇŠ ⎀⎓āļ¸â€ ⎃āļŗāˇ„āˇ ⎀⎖ āļļāļŊ āļšāˇ’āļģ⎓āļ¸ āļ‘āļŊāˇ™āˇƒāļ¸ āļ­āļļāˇ āļœāļ­āˇŠāļ­āˇšāļē. āļ¸āˇ’āļŊ⎒āļēāļą 20āļš āļĸ⎓⎀⎒āļ­ āļļ⎒āļŊ⎒āļœāļ­āˇŠ āļ āˇ“āļąāļē⎚ āļĸāļą āˇƒāļ‚āˇ„āˇāļģāļš āˇ€āˇāļŠāˇ’āļŊāˇāļœāˇāļąāˇ“āļ¸āˇš āļē⎔āļ¯āˇŠāļ°āļēāļšāˇŠ āļ‡āļ­āˇ”⎅⎔ āļļāˇ’āˇ„āˇ’āˇƒāˇ”āļĢ⎔ āļĸāļ´āļąāˇŠ āļē⎔āļ¯ āļ…āļ´āļģāˇāļ°āˇ€āļŊ⎒āļąāˇŠ āļ´āˇƒāˇ”⎀ āļĸāļ´āļąāˇŠ āļ…āļ°āˇ’āļģāˇāļĸāˇŠâ€āļēāļēāˇ āļļāļŊāļē⎚ āļ­āļļāˇ āļœāˇāļąāˇ“āļ¸āļ§ āˇ€āˇœāˇ‚āˇ’āļąāˇŠāļ§āļąāļē āļ…āļšāļ¸āˇāļ­āˇ’ āˇ€āˇ–āˇ€āˇ āļąāˇœāˇ€āˇš. āļ‡āļ­āˇŠāļ­ āˇ€āˇāļē⎙āļąāˇŠāļ¸ āļ…āˇ€āˇƒāˇāļąāļē⎚, āļĸāļ´āˇāļąāļē⎚ āļ´āˇāˇŠāļ āˇāļ­āˇŠ āļē⎔āļ° āļ‘āļšāˇŠāˇƒāļ­āˇŠ āļĸāļąāļ´āļ¯ āˇ€āˇāļŠāˇ’āļŊ⎑āļ¸āˇš āļąāˇ’āļŊāļ°āˇāļģ⎓āļąāˇŠ ⎄⎒āļģāˇāˇ„āˇ’āļ§āˇ āļļāļŊāļē⎚ āˇƒāˇ’āļ§āˇ“āļ¸āļ§ āļ‰āļŠ āˇ„āˇāļģ⎒āļē⎚ āļē. āļ’ āˇ€āˇ™āļąāˇ”⎀āļ§, āļ‘āļšāˇŠāˇƒāļ­āˇŠ āļĸāļąāļ´āļ¯ āļąāˇ’āļŊāļ°āˇāļģ⎓āļąāˇŠ āļ…āļģāļ¸āˇ”āļą āļšāļģ āļœāļ­āˇŠāļ­āˇš āļ…āļąāˇ”āļšāļ¸āˇŠāļ´āˇ ⎀⎒āļģ⎄⎒āļ­ āļļ⎀ āļ´āˇ™āļąāˇŠāļąāˇ”āļ¸āˇŠ āļšāļģāļ¸āˇ’āļąāˇŠ āˇƒāˇāˇ€āˇ’āļēāļ§āˇŠ ⎃āļ‚āļœāļ¸āļē āļļ⎒āļē āļœāˇāļąāˇŠāˇ€āˇ“āļ¸ āˇƒāļŗāˇ„āˇ āļ´āļģāļ¸āˇāļĢ⎔ āļļāˇāļ¸āˇŠāļļāļē āļˇāˇāˇ€āˇ’āļ­āˇ āļšāˇ’āļģ⎓āļ¸āļē⎒.

āļ”⎀⎔āļąāˇŠ āļĸ⎖āļŊ⎒ 17-āļ…āļœāˇāˇƒāˇŠāļ­āˇ” 2 āļ´āˇœāļ§āˇŠāˇƒāˇŠāļŠāˇ‘āļ¸āˇŠ ⎃āļ¸āˇ”⎅⎔⎀ āˇƒāˇ–āļ¯āˇāļąāļ¸āˇŠ āļšāļģāļą āˇ€āˇ’āļ§, āļ‘āļšāˇŠāˇƒāļ­āˇŠ āļĸāļąāļ´āļ¯ āļąāˇ’āļŊāļ°āˇāļģ⎓āļąāˇŠ āļ¸āˇœāˇƒāˇŠāļšāˇ€āˇŠ ⎃āļ¸āļŸ āˇ€āļŠ āˇ€āļŠāˇāļ­āˇŠ āļšāˇāļ´āļēāļ§ āļ´āļ­āˇŠ ⎀⎙āļ¸āˇ’āļąāˇŠ āˇƒāˇ’āļ§āˇ’āļē⎄. āļ‘⎀āļšāļ§ āļŊāˇāļšāļē⎚ āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāļ¸āˇ”āļ› āļšāˇāļģ⎊āļ¸āˇ’āļš āļļāļŊ⎀āļ­āˇ ⎀⎖ āļ‡āļ¸āļģ⎒āļšāˇāļąāˇ” āļ°āļąāˇšāˇāˇŠāˇ€āļģāļē, āļ¸āˇāļ¯ āļ´āˇ™āļģāļ¯āˇ’āļœ āˇ„āˇ  āļąāˇāļœāˇ™āļąāˇ„⎒āļģ āļē⎔āļģāˇāļ´āļē āļ¸āļ­ āļ†āļ°āˇ’āļ´āļ­āˇŠâ€āļēāļē āļ¯āˇāļģ⎓āļ¸āļ­āˇŠ, āļ āˇ“āļąāļē āļ…āļŊ⎊āļŊāˇāļœāļą āļ‘āļē āļ‰āļąāˇŠāļ¯āˇ’āļēāˇāˇ€āˇš āļļāˇŠâ€āļģ⎒āļ­āˇāļąāˇŠâ€āļē āļ…āļ°āˇ’āļģāˇāļĸāˇŠâ€āļēāļēāļ§ āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāļ­āˇ’āˇ€āˇāļ¯āˇ“ āļēāļ§āļ­āˇŠ ⎀⎒āļĸ⎒āļ­āļēāļšāˇŠ āļŊāˇ™āˇƒ āļˇāˇāˇ€āˇ’āļ­āˇ āļšāˇ’āļģ⎓āļ¸āļ­āˇŠ āļ…āļģāļ¸āˇ”āļĢ⎔ āļšāļģ āļœāļ­āˇŠāˇ„. āļģāļ­āˇ” ⎄āļ¸āˇ”āļ¯āˇāˇ€āˇš āļąāˇāļœāˇ™āļąāˇ„⎒āļģ āļē⎔āļģāˇāļ´āļē⎚ āˇƒāˇ„ āļ‰āļģāˇāļąāļē⎚  āļē⎔āļ¯ āļšāˇāļŊ⎓āļą āļ´āˇāˇ€āˇāļ­āˇŠāļ¸ āˇƒāˇ„ āļ‘āļē āļ āˇ“āļąāļē⎚ āļĸāļ´āļąāˇŠ ⎄āļ¸āˇ”āļ¯āˇāˇ€āļąāˇŠāļ§ āļ‘āļģ⎙⎄⎒⎀ āļ¯āˇ’āļēāļ­āˇŠ āļšāˇ’āļģ⎓āļ¸āļ§ āļ­āˇ’āļļ⎖ āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāˇ„āˇāļģāļē, āļ‘āļšāˇŠāˇƒāļ­āˇŠ āļĸāļąāļ´āļ¯ āļ…āˇ€āˇāˇŠâ€āļēāļ­āˇāˇ€āļŊāļ§ āļļāļģāļ´āļ­āļŊ āļļāˇāļ°āˇāˇ€āļšāˇŠ ⎀⎒āļē.

1945 āļĸ⎔āļŊ⎒ 16 ⎀āļą āļ¯āˇ’āļą āļ‘āļšāˇŠāˇƒāļ­āˇŠ āļĸāļąāļ´āļ¯ āļ´āļģāļ¸āˇāļĢ⎔ āļļāˇāļ¸āˇŠāļļāļē⎚ āļ­āˇŠâ€āļģ⎒āļ­āˇŠāˇ€ āļ´āļģ⎓āļšāˇŠāˇ‚āļĢāļē āˇƒāˇāļģ⎊āļŽāļš āˇ€āˇ“āļ¸ āˇƒāļ¸āļœ āļ‘āļšāˇŠāˇƒāļ­āˇŠ āļĸāļąāļ´āļ¯ āļĸāļąāˇāļ°āˇ’āļ´āļ­āˇ’ ⎄⎙āļąāˇŠāļģ⎒ āļ§āˇ˛āļ¸āļąāˇŠ āļ‹āļ¯āˇŠāļēāˇāļœāļē⎙āļąāˇŠ āļ´āˇ’āļģ⎓ āļœāˇ’āļē⎚āļē. āļ”⎄⎔ āļ´āˇƒāˇ”⎀ āļ´āˇāˇ€āˇƒāˇ– āļ´āļģ⎒āļ¯āˇ’, āļ‘āļē āļ”⎄⎔āļ§ â€œāļ’ āļšāˇœāļŊ⎊āļŊāļąāˇŠāļ§ āļ‘āļģ⎙⎄⎒ āļšāˇ”āļŊ⎔ āļœāˇ™āļŠāˇ’āļēāļšāˇŠâ€ āļŊāļļāˇ āļ¯āˇ”āļąāˇŠāļąāˇšāļē. āļ´āˇœāļ§āˇŠāˇƒāˇŠāļŠāˇ‘āļ¸āˇŠ ⎃āļ¸āˇŠāļ¸āļąāˇŠāļ­āˇŠâ€āļģāļĢāļēāļ§ āļ´āˇ™āļģ āļļāˇœāˇ„āˇ āļ‰āˇ„āļŊ āļ‘āļšāˇŠāˇƒāļ­āˇŠ āļĸāļąāļ´āļ¯ āļąāˇ’āļŊāļ°āˇāļģ⎓āļąāˇŠāļœāˇš āļ…āļ¯āˇ„āˇƒ āļ¸āˇ™āļē  āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāļ­āˇ’āļģāˇāˇ€āļē āļšāˇ…āˇšāļē.

“āļģāˇ”āˇƒāˇ’āļēāˇāļąāˇ”⎀āļąāˇŠ ⎃āļ¸āļŸ āļœāļąāˇ”āļ¯āˇ™āļąāˇ” āļšāˇ’āļģ⎓āļ¸āļ§” āļšāˇāļŊāļē āļ´āˇāļ¸āˇ’āļĢ āļ­āˇ’āļļ⎚ āļēāļē⎒ āļē⎔āļ° āļŊ⎚āļšāļ¸āˇŠ ⎄⎙āļąāˇŠāļģ⎒ ⎃⎊āļ§āˇ’āļ¸āˇŠāˇƒāļąāˇŠ āļ‘⎀āļšāļ§ āļ§āˇ˛āļ¸āļąāˇŠāļœāˇš āļ¸āˇāļĢ⎊āļŠāļŊ⎒āļš āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāļ°āˇāļąāˇ’āļēāˇ ⎀⎖ āļĸ⎙āļąāļģāˇāļŊ⎊ āļĸāˇāļģ⎊āļĸ⎊ āļ¸āˇāˇ‚āļŊ⎊ ⎀⎙āļ­ āļ‘⎀āļąāˇŠ āļ‘āļšāˇŠ ⎃āļ‚āļ¯āˇšāˇāļēāļš āļŊ⎒⎀⎓āļē. “āļ…āļ´āˇ’ āļ…āˇƒāļ¸āˇƒāļ¸ āˇ€āļą āļ†āļē⎔āļ°āļēāļšāˇŠ āļšāˇŠâ€āļģ⎒āļēāˇāˇ€āļ§ āļœāˇ™āļąāˇ™āļ¸āˇ’āļąāˇŠ āļ‡āļ­āˇ’ ” āļąāˇ’āˇƒāˇ, āļ¸āˇ™āļē “āˇ„āˇœāļ¯āļ§ āļģ⎅⎔ āˇƒāˇ„ āļēāļŽāˇāļģ⎊āļŽāˇ€āˇāļ¯āˇ“ āļ†āļšāˇāļģāļēāļšāˇ’āļąāˇŠ āļšāˇ… ⎄⎐āļšāˇ’” āļļ⎀ ⎃⎊āļ§āˇ’āļ¸āˇŠāˇƒāļąāˇŠ āļ­āˇ€āļ¯āˇ”āļģāļ§āļ­āˇŠ āļ´āˇāˇ€āˇƒāˇ“āļē.

āļ§āˇ˛āļ¸āļąāˇŠāļœāˇš āˇƒāˇāļ´āļģāˇāļ°āˇ“ āļ´āļģāļ¸āˇāļĢ⎔ āļļāˇāļ¸āˇŠāļļāļē āļ‘āļšāˇŠāˇƒāļ­āˇŠ āļĸāļąāļ´āļ¯ āļŊāˇāļš āļ†āļ°āˇ’āļ´āļ­āˇŠâ€āļēāļē ⎃⎊āļŽāˇāļ´āˇ’āļ­ āļšāˇ’āļģ⎓āļ¸āļ§ āļ…āˇƒāļ¸āļ­āˇŠ ⎀⎒āļē. āļģāļ­āˇ” ⎄āļ¸āˇ”āļ¯āˇāˇ€, 1949 āļ āˇ“āļą āˇ€āˇ’āļ´āˇŠāļŊ⎀āļēāļ§ āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāļ°āˇāļą āļ¯āˇāļēāļšāļ­āˇŠāˇ€āļēāļšāˇŠ āļŊāļļāˇ āļ¯āˇ”āļąāˇŠ āļ‹āļ­āˇ”āļģ⎔ āļ āˇ“āļąāļē⎚ āļ āˇ“āļą āļšāˇœāļ¸āˇ’āļē⎔āļąāˇ’āˇƒāˇŠāļ§āˇŠ āļ´āļšāˇŠāˇ‚ ⎄āļ¸āˇ”āļ¯āˇāˇ€āļąāˇŠāļ§ āļ´āļģāˇāļĸ⎒āļ­ āļĸāļ´āļąāˇŠ ⎄āļ¸āˇ”āļ¯āˇāˇ€āˇš āļ†āļē⎔āļ° āļˇāˇāļģ āļ¯āˇ”āļąāˇŠ āļ…āļ­āļģ āļąāˇāļœāˇ™āļąāˇ„⎒āļģ āļē⎔āļģāˇāļ´āļē āļ´āˇ”āļģāˇ ⎃⎊āļ§āˇāļŊ⎒āļąāˇŠāˇ€āˇāļ¯āˇ“ āļ´āˇāļŊāļą āļ­āļąāˇŠāļ­āˇŠâ€āļģāļēāļąāˇŠ āļ¸āļ­āˇ” ⎀⎒āļē. āˇƒāˇāˇ€āˇ’āļēāļ§āˇŠ ⎄āļ¸āˇ”āļ¯āˇ āļ‰āļģāˇāļąāļē ⎄⎐āļģ āļœāˇ’āļē āļ…āļ­āļģ āˇ€āˇœāˇ‚āˇ’āļąāˇŠāļ§āļąāļē āļ‘⎄⎒ āˇ‚āˇāļœāˇš āļŊāˇšāˇ€āˇāļšāˇ’ āļ†āļĨāˇāļ¯āˇāļēāļšāļ­āˇŠāˇ€āļēāļ§ āļ´āˇ’āļ§āˇ”āļļāļŊāļē āļ¯āˇ”āļąāˇ’. āļ‘āļ¸ āļ´āˇāļŊāļąāļē 1979 āļ‰āļģāˇāļą āˇ€āˇ’āļ´āˇŠāļŊ⎀āļē āˇ€āˇ’āˇƒāˇ’āļąāˇŠ āļ´āˇ™āļģāļŊāˇ āļ¯āļ¸āļą āļŊāļ¯āˇ“.

āļšāˇ™āˇƒāˇš ⎀⎙āļ­āļ­āˇŠ, āļąāˇŠâ€āļēāˇ‚āˇŠāļ§āˇ’āļš āˇƒāļ‚āˇ„āˇāļģāļēāļš āļ…āļąāˇŠāļ­āļģāˇāļē 1945 āˇƒāˇ’āļ§ āļ¸āļąāˇ”āˇ‚āˇŠâ€āļēāļ­āˇŠāˇ€āļē āļ¸āļ­ āļŠāˇāļ¸āˇœāļšāˇŠāļŊ⎃⎊āļœāˇš āļšāļŠāˇ”⎀āļšāˇŠ (Sword of Damocles) āļ¸āˇ™āļąāˇŠ āļŊāļš āļ¯āˇ“ āļ‡āļ­. āļ‘āļšāˇŠāˇƒāļ­āˇŠ āļĸāļąāļ´āļ¯ āļąāˇ’āļŊāļ°āˇāļģ⎓āļąāˇŠ 1950-1953 āļšāˇœāļģ⎒āļēāˇāļąāˇ” āļē⎔āļ¯āˇŠāļ°āļē⎚āļ¯āˇ“ āļ‹āļ­āˇ”āļģ⎔ āļšāˇœāļģ⎒āļēāˇāļąāˇ” āˇƒāˇ„ āļ āˇ“āļą āˇ„āļ¸āˇ”āļ¯āˇāˇ€āļąāˇŠāļ§ āļ‘āļģ⎙⎄⎒⎀ āļąāˇŠâ€āļēāˇ‚āˇŠāļ§āˇ’āļš āļ…⎀⎒ āļˇāˇāˇ€āˇ’āļ­āˇ āļšāˇ’āļģ⎓āļ¸ āļœāˇāļą āˇƒāˇāļšāļ āˇŠāļĄāˇ āļšāˇ…⎄. āļšāˇ’⎄⎒āļ´ āˇ€āļ­āˇāˇ€āļšāˇŠāļ¸, ⎀āļŠāˇāļ­āˇŠā āļšāˇ”āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāļšāļ§ āļŊāˇ™āˇƒ 1962 āļšāˇ’āļē⎔āļļāˇāļąāˇ” āļ¸āˇ’āˇƒāļē⎒āļŊ āļ…āļģ⎊āļļ⎔āļ¯āļē⎚āļ¯āˇ“, āļšāˇ’āļē⎔āļļāˇāˇ€āˇš āˇƒāˇāˇ€āˇ’āļēāļ§āˇŠ āļ¸āˇ’āˇƒāļē⎒āļŊ⎀āļŊāļ§ āļļāˇāļ¸āˇŠāļļ ⎄⎙āļŊ⎓āļ¸āļ§ āļ‘āļšāˇŠāˇƒāļ­āˇŠ āļĸāļąāļ´āļ¯ āļąāˇ’āļŊāļ°āˇāļģ⎓āļąāˇŠ  āļ‰āļŊ⎊āļŊāˇ āˇƒāˇ’āļ§āˇ’ ⎀⎒āļ§, āˇāˇ’āˇ‚āˇŠāļ§āˇāļ āˇāļģāļē āļ…āˇ€āˇƒāļąāˇŠ āļšāļģāļą āļąāˇŠâ€āļēāˇ‚āˇŠāļ§āˇ’āļš āļē⎔āļ¯āˇŠāļ°āļēāļšāˇŠ āļ†āļģāļ¸āˇŠāļˇ āˇ€āˇ“āļ¸āļ§ āļ‰āļ­āˇ āļ†āˇƒāļąāˇŠāļą āˇ€āˇ’āļē.

āļąāˇāļœāˇ“ āļ‘āļą āļ­āˇ”āļąāˇŠāˇ€āļą āļŊāˇāļš āļē⎔āļ¯āˇŠāļ°āļē⎚ āļąāˇŠâ€āļēāˇ‚āˇŠāļ§āˇ’āļš āļ…⎀⎒

⎄⎒āļģāˇāˇ‚āˇ’āļ¸āˇ āˇƒāˇ„ āļąāˇāļœāˇƒāˇāļšāˇ’ āļļāˇāļ¸āˇŠāļļ ⎄⎙āļŊ⎓āļ¸āˇ™āļąāˇŠ āˇ€āˇƒāļģ āļ…āˇƒāˇ–āˇ€āļšāļ§ āļ´āˇƒāˇ” āļŊāˇāļšāļē āļąāˇāˇ€āļ­āļ­āˇŠ āļąāˇŠâ€āļēāˇ‚āˇŠāļ§āˇ’āļš āļē⎔āļ¯āˇŠāļ°āļē⎚ āļ…āļąāˇŠāļ­āļģāˇāļēāļ§ āˇƒāˇ˜āļĸ⎔⎀ āļ¸āˇ”⎄⎔āļą āļ¯āˇ™āļē⎒. 1991 āļ¯āˇ“ ⎃⎊āļ§āˇāļŊ⎒āļąāˇŠāˇ€āˇāļ¯āˇ“ āļąāˇ’āļŊāļ°āļģāļē āˇ€āˇ’āˇƒāˇ’āļąāˇŠ āˇƒāˇāˇ€āˇ’āļēāļ§āˇŠ ⎃āļ‚āļœāļ¸āļē āˇ€āˇ’āˇƒāˇ”āļģāˇ”āˇ€āˇ ⎄⎐āļģ⎓āļ¸, āˇƒāˇ“āļ­āļŊ āļē⎔āļ¯āˇŠāļ° āļē⎔āļœāļē⎚ āļˇāˇ–-āļ¯āˇšāˇāļ´āˇāļŊāļąāˇ’āļš āļœāˇāļ§āˇ”āļ¸āˇŠ āļąāˇ’āļģāˇāļšāļģāļĢāļē āļąāˇœāļšāˇ… āļ…āļ­āļģ  āļ…āˇ€āˇƒāˇāļąāļē⎚āļ¯āˇ’ āļ’āˇ€āˇ  āļ‹āļœāˇŠâ€āļģ āļšāˇ…āˇšāļē. āļ‰āļģāˇāļšāļē, āļ‡āˇ†āˇŠāļœāļąāˇ’āˇƒāˇŠāļŽāˇāļąāļē, āļē⎔āļœāˇāˇƒāˇŠāļŊāˇāˇ€āˇ’āļēāˇāˇ€ āˇƒāˇ„ āˇƒāˇ’āļģ⎒āļēāˇāˇ€ āļ‡āļ­āˇ”⎅⎔ āļģāļ§āˇ€āļŊāļ§ āļ‘āļģ⎙⎄⎒⎀ 1991 āˇƒāˇ’āļ§ āļ‘āļšāˇŠāˇƒāļ­āˇŠ āļĸāļąāļ´āļ¯āļē āˇ€āˇ’āˇƒāˇ’āļąāˇŠ āļ¸āˇ™āˇ„⎙āļē⎀āļą āļŊāļ¯ āļē⎔āļ¯āˇŠāļ° āļē⎔āļģāˇšāˇƒāˇ’āļēāˇāˇ€āˇš āˇƒāˇ„ āļŊāˇāļšāļē⎚ āļ†āļ°āˇ’āļ´āļ­āˇŠâ€āļēāļē ⎃āļŗāˇ„āˇ āļąāˇ€ āļœāˇāļŊ⎓āļē āļē⎔āļ¯āˇŠāļ°āļēāļšāļ§ āļ’āļšāˇāļļāļ¯āˇŠāļ° āˇ€āˇ“ āļ‡āļ­.

⎃⎐āļŊāļšāˇ’āļē āļē⎔āļ­āˇ” āļŊāˇ™āˇƒ, āļ¯āˇāļąāļ§ āļ‘āļšāˇŠāˇƒāļ­āˇŠ āļĸāļąāļ´āļ¯ āļ…āļ°āˇ’āļģāˇāļĸāˇŠâ€āļēāˇ€āˇāļ¯āļē⎚ āˇƒāˇ„ āļ‘⎄⎒ āļē⎔āļģāˇāļ´āˇ“āļē āˇƒāˇ„āļ āļģāļē⎒āļąāˇŠāļœāˇš āļ‰āˇ„āļŊāļ¸ āļ‰āļŊāļšāˇŠāļšāļœāļ­ āļģāļ§āˇ€āļŊ⎊ ⎀āļą āļģāˇ”āˇƒāˇ’āļēāˇāˇ€, āļ āˇ“āļąāļē āˇƒāˇ„ āļ‰āļģāˇāļąāļē, ⎄⎒āļģāˇāˇ‚āˇ’āļ¸āˇ āˇƒāˇ„ āļąāˇāļœāˇƒāˇāļšāˇ’ ⎀⎒āļąāˇāˇ āļšāˇ’āļģ⎓āļ¸ āˇƒāļ¸āˇŠāļļāļąāˇŠāļ°āļē⎙āļąāˇŠ āļ§āˇ˛āļ¸āļąāˇŠ āļ­āˇ“āļģāļĢāļē āļœāļąāˇ’āļ¯āˇŠāļ¯āļ¯āˇ“āļ¯ āļ”⎄⎔āļœāˇš āļ‹āļ­āˇŠāˇƒāˇ”āļšāļ­āˇ āļŊ⎐āļēāˇ’āˇƒāˇŠāļ­āˇ”āˇ€āˇš āļ‰āˇ„āļŊ⎒āļąāˇŠāļ¸ āˇƒāˇ’āļ§āˇ’ āļģāļ§āˇ€āļŊ⎊ āˇ€āˇš.

āļšāˇ™āˇƒāˇš ⎀⎙āļ­āļ­āˇŠ, āļ…āļ¯ āļŊāˇāļšāļē⎚ āˇƒāˇ’āļēāļŊ⎔āļ¸ āļąāˇŠâ€āļēāˇ‚āˇŠāļ§āˇ’āļš āļļāļŊ⎀āļ­āˇ”āļąāˇŠ āˇƒāˇ’āļē āļąāˇŠâ€āļēāˇ‚āˇŠāļ§āˇ’āļš āļ…⎀⎒ āļœāļļāļŠāˇ ⎀⎐āļŠāˇ’ āļ¯āˇ’āļē⎔āļĢ⎔ āļšāˇ’āļģ⎓āļ¸ āˇƒāļŗāˇ„āˇ āļļ⎒āļŊ⎒āļēāļą āļœāļĢāļąāˇ’āļąāˇŠ ⎀⎒āļēāļ¯āļ¸āˇŠ āļšāļģāļ¸āˇ’āļąāˇŠ āļĸāļ´āˇāļąāļēāļ§ āˇ„āˇ™āˇ…āļą āļŊāļ¯ āļļāˇāļ¸āˇŠāļļ āļ…āļœāˇ”āļ§āˇ”āļ¸āˇ’āļ§āˇ’ āļšāˇ™āļģ⎙āļą āļ†āļē⎔āļ° āļ­āļļāˇāļœāˇ™āļą āˇƒāˇ’āļ§āˇ’āļ­āˇ’. āļ”⎀⎔āļąāˇŠāļœāˇš āļ…āļąāˇŠāļ­āļģ⎊ āļ¸āˇ„āļ¯āˇŠāˇ€āˇ“āļ´āˇ’āļš āļļ⎐āļŊ⎃⎊āļ§āˇ’āļšāˇŠ āļ¸āˇ’āˇƒāļē⎒āļŊ (ICBM), āļē⎔āļ° āˇāˇ“āļģāˇŠāˇ‚ (warheads) āļšāˇ’⎄⎒āļ´āļēāļšāˇŠ āļģāļŗāˇ€āˇ āļœāļąāˇŠāļąāˇ āļ…āļ­āļģ, āļ’ āˇƒāˇ‘āļ¸ āļ‘āļšāļšāˇŠāļ¸ TNT āļ§āˇœāļąāˇŠ āļŊāļšāˇŠāˇ‚ āļœāļĢāļąāļš āˇ„āˇ āļ¸āˇ’āļŊ⎒āļēāļą āļœāļĢāļąāļš āļļāļŊāļēāļšāˇ’āļąāˇŠ āļ´āˇ”āļ´āˇ”āļģāˇ āļēāļē⎒. āļąāļœāļģāļēāļšāˇŠ āļ¸āļ­āļ§ āˇ„āˇ™āˇ…āˇ”āˇ€āˇ„āˇœāļ­āˇŠ, āļ‘āļšāˇŠ āļ‘āļšāˇŠ āļē⎔āļ° āˇāˇ“āļģāˇŠāˇ‚āļē⎚ āļ†āļģāļ¸āˇŠāļˇāļš āļ´āˇ’āļ´āˇ’āļģ⎔āļ¸ āļ¯āˇƒ āļ¯āˇ„āˇƒāˇŠ āļœāļĢāļąāļšāˇŠ āļąāˇœāˇ€ āļ¸āˇ’āļŊ⎒āļēāļą āļœāļĢāļąāļšāˇŠ āļ¸āļģāˇ āļ¯āˇāļ¸āˇ’āļē ⎄⎐āļšāˇ’ āļļ⎐⎀⎒āļąāˇŠ ⎀⎒āļ¯āˇŠâ€āļēāˇāļĨāļē⎒āļąāˇŠ āļ¯āˇāļąāˇŠ āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāļšāˇŠāˇ‚āˇšāļ´āļĢāļē āļšāļģāļąāˇŠāļąāˇš āļ­āļąāˇ’ āļģāˇ”āˇƒāˇ’āļēāˇāļąāˇ” ICBM āļšāļ§ āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāļ‚⎁āļē āļ­āļģāļ¸āˇŠ āˇ€āˇ’āˇāˇāļŊ āļģāļ§āļšāˇŠ ⎀⎒āļąāˇāˇ āļšāˇ… ⎄⎐āļšāˇ’ āļļ⎀āļē⎒.

āļ¯āˇāļš āļœāļąāļąāˇāˇ€āļšāˇŠ āļ­āˇ’āˇƒāˇŠāˇƒāˇš, āļĸāˇāļ­āˇ’āļš āļģāˇāļĸāˇŠâ€āļē āļ´āļ¯āˇŠāļ°āļ­āˇ’āļē⎚ āļ…āļ­āˇāļģ⎊āļšāˇ’āļšāļ­āˇŠāˇ€āļē āˇƒāˇ„ āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāļ­āˇ’āļœāˇāļ¸āˇ“ āˇƒāˇŠāˇ€āļˇāˇāˇ€āļē, āļ‘āļē āļ…āļąāˇŠâ€āļēāˇāļąāˇŠâ€āļē ⎀⎁āļē⎙āļąāˇŠ āˇƒāˇ„āļ­āˇ’āļš āˇ€āˇ– ⎀⎒āļąāˇāˇāļē⎚ (Mutually Assured Destruction – MAD) āļąāˇŠâ€āļēāˇāļē āļ¸āļ­ āļģāļŗāˇ āļ´āˇāˇ€āļ­āˇ“āļ¸ āļ¸āļœāˇ’āļąāˇŠ āļąāˇ’āļ¯āˇƒāˇ”āļąāˇŠ ⎀⎒āļē. āļ¸āˇ™āļ¸ āļ­āļģ⎊āļšāļē  āļ…āļąāˇ”⎀ āļšāˇ’āˇƒāˇ’āļ¯āˇ” āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāļ°āˇāļą āļąāˇŠâ€āļēāˇ‚āˇŠāļ§āˇ’āļš āļļāļŊ⎀āļ­āˇ™āļšāˇ” āļ­āˇ€āļ­āˇŠ āļšāˇ™āļąāˇ™āļšāˇ”āļ§ āļ­āļģ⎊āļĸāļąāļē āļąāˇœāļšāļģāļąāˇ” āļ‡āļ­āˇŠāļ­āˇš,  āļ‘āļšāˇ’āļąāˇ™āļšāˇāļ§ āļąāˇŠâ€āļēāˇ‚āˇŠāļ§āˇ’āļš āļļāˇāļ¸āˇŠāļļ⎀āļŊ⎒āļąāˇŠ āļ…āļąāˇ™āļšāˇ ⎀⎒āļąāˇāˇ āļšāˇ… ⎄⎐āļšāˇ’ āļļ⎐⎀⎒āļąāˇ’. āļšāˇ™āˇƒāˇš ⎀⎙āļ­āļ­āˇŠ, āļąāˇŠâ€āļēāˇ‚āˇŠāļ§āˇ’āļš āˇƒāļ‚āˇ„āˇāļģāļēāļšāˇŠ āļ´āˇ’āļŊ⎒āļļāļŗ āļˇāˇ“āļ­āˇ’āļē āļ­āˇ€āļ¯āˇ”āļģāļ§āļ­āˇŠ āļ…āļ°āˇ’āļģāˇāļĸāˇŠâ€āļēāˇ€āˇāļ¯āˇ“ āļļāļŊ⎀āļ­āˇ”āļąāˇŠ āļšāˇ’āˇƒāˇ’āļŗāˇ” āļ†āļšāˇāļģāļēāļšāˇ’āļąāˇŠ āļļāˇāļ°āˇ āļšāļģ āļ­āļļāˇ āļąāˇœāļœāļąāˇŠāļąāˇ āļļ⎀ āļ´āˇ™āļąāˇ“ āļēāļē⎒.

āļ´āˇƒāˇ”āļœāˇ’āļē ⎃āļ­āˇ’āļē⎚ āļ§āˇŠâ€āļģāļ¸āˇŠāļ´āˇŠ āļģāˇ”āˇƒāˇ’āļēāˇāˇ€āļ§ āļ­āļģ⎊āļĸāļąāļē āļšāˇ’āļģ⎓āļ¸ āˇƒāļŗāˇ„āˇ āļąāˇŠâ€āļēāˇ‚āˇŠāļ§āˇ’āļš āˇƒāļąāˇŠāļąāļ¯āˇŠāļ° āˇƒāļļ⎊āļ¸āˇāļģ⎓āļą āļ¯āˇ™āļšāļšāˇŠ āļē⎙āļ¯āˇ€āˇ“āļ¸ āļąāˇ’āˇ€āˇšāļ¯āļąāļē āļšāˇ’āļģ⎓āļ¸ āļ¸āļœāˇ’āļąāˇŠ āļąāˇšāļ§āˇ-āļģāˇ”āˇƒāˇ’āļēāˇ āļąāˇŠâ€āļēāˇ‚āˇŠāļ§āˇ’āļš āļē⎔āļ¯āˇŠāļ°āļēāļš āˇ„āˇāļšāˇ’āļēāˇāˇ€ āļ‰āˇƒāˇŠāļ¸āļ­āˇ” āļšāˇ…āˇšāļē. āļœāˇ€āˇšāˇ‚āļĢāˇāļ­āˇŠāļ¸āļš āļ¸āˇāļ°āˇŠâ€āļēāˇ€āˇšāļ¯āˇ“ āļļ⎜āļļ⎊ ⎀⎔āļŠāˇŠāˇ€āļģ⎊āļŠāˇŠāļœāˇš āˇ€āˇāļģ⎊āļ­āˇāˇ€āļšāļ§ āļ…āļąāˇ”⎀, āļē⎔āļšāˇŠâ€āļģ⎚āļąāļē⎚ āļģāˇ”āˇƒāˇ’āļēāˇāˇ€ ⎃āļ¸āļŸ āļ­āˇ”āļąāˇŠ āļ…⎀⎔āļģ⎔āļ¯āˇ” āļē⎔āļ¯āˇŠāļ°āļē⎚ ⎀⎒⎀⎒āļ° āļ…āˇ€āˇƒāˇŠāļŽāˇ ⎀āļŊāļ¯āˇ“ āļģāˇ”āˇƒāˇ’āļēāˇāˇ€ āļąāˇŠâ€āļēāˇ‚āˇŠāļ§āˇ’āļš āļ…⎀⎒ āļˇāˇāˇ€āˇ’āļ­āˇ āļšāˇ’āļģ⎓āļ¸āˇš ⎃āļ¸āˇŠāļˇāˇāˇ€āˇ’āļ­āˇāˇ€ āˇƒāˇ’āļēāļēāļ§ 50āļšāˇŠ āļ­āļģāļ¸āˇŠ āļ‰āˇ„⎅ āļ¸āļ§āˇŠāļ§āļ¸āļš āļ´āˇāˇ€āļ­āˇ’ āļļ⎀ āļ‘āļšāˇŠāˇƒāļ­āˇŠ āļĸāļąāļ´āļ¯-āļąāˇšāļ§āˇ āļ”āļ­āˇŠāļ­āˇ” āˇƒāˇšāˇ€āˇ āļąāˇ’āļŊāļ°āˇāļģ⎓⎄⎔ āļœāļĢāļąāļē āļšāļģāļ­āˇ’. āļ‘āˇƒāˇš ⎀⎔⎀āļ­āˇŠ, āļģāˇ”āˇƒāˇ’āļēāˇāˇ€āļ§ āļ­āˇ”āļŊāļ§ āļœāˇāļšāˇ”āļģ⎒āļąāˇŠ āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāˇ„āˇāļģ āļ‘āļŊ⎊āļŊ āļšāˇ’āļģ⎓āļ¸ āˇƒāļŗāˇ„āˇ āļē⎔āļģāˇāļ´āˇ“āļē āļģāļ§āˇ€āļŊ⎊ āˇ€āˇ’āˇƒāˇ’āļąāˇŠ āļ¯āˇ’āļœāˇ” āļ¯āˇ”āļģ āļ¸āˇ’āˇƒāļē⎒āļŊ āļē⎔āļšāˇŠāļģ⎚āļą āļ´āˇāļŊāļą āļ­āļąāˇŠāļ­āˇŠâ€āļģāļēāļ§  āļŊāļļāˇ āļ¯āˇ“āļ¸ āˇƒāļŗāˇ„āˇ  āļ‘āļšāˇŠāˇƒāļ­āˇŠ āļĸāļąāļ´āļ¯āļē āˇ„āˇ āļąāˇšāļ§āˇāˇ€ āļ‰āļ¯āˇ’āļģ⎒āļēāļ§ āļœāˇ’āļē⎚āļē.

⎃āļ¸āˇ–āļŊ āļĸāļą āļāˇāļ­ā āļ…⎀āļ¯āˇāļąā āļ´āˇ’⎅⎒āļļāļŗ āļąāˇœāˇƒāˇāļŊāļšāˇ’āļŊ⎒āļ¸āļ­āˇŠāļšāļ¸āˇš āļ¸āļąāˇāļˇāˇāˇ€āļēāļšāˇŠ āļ´āˇāļŊāļš āļšāļ­āˇ’āļ´āļēāˇāļ°āˇ’āļšāˇāļģāļē āļ…āļŊāļŊāˇ āļœāļąāˇ’āļ¯āˇŠāļ¯āˇ’, āļ‘⎄⎒ āļąāˇ’āļēāˇāļĸ⎒āļ­āļēāˇ ⎄⎒āļģāˇāˇ‚āˇ’āļ¸āˇ āˇƒāˇ„ āļąāˇāļœāˇƒāˇāļšāˇ’ ⎀⎙āļ­ āļļāˇāļ¸āˇŠāļļ ⎄⎙āļŊ⎓āļ¸ āļ¯āˇ™āˇƒ āļ†āˇāļšāˇŠāļ­āˇ€ āļ†āļ´āˇƒāˇ” ⎄⎐āļģ⎓ āļļāļŊāļąāˇŠāļąāˇš āļ”⎀⎔āļąāˇŠ āˇ€āˇ’āˇƒāļŗāˇ”āļ¸āļšāˇŠ āļąāˇœāļ¯āˇ”āļ§āˇ” āļ¯āˇšāˇāļ´āˇāļŊāļą āˇ„āˇ ⎃āļ¸āˇāļĸ āļœāˇāļ§āļŊ⎔ āˇ€āˇ’āˇƒāļŗāˇ“āļ¸āļ§ āˇƒāļ¸āˇ–⎄ āļ¸āˇ’āļąāˇ“āļ¸āˇāļģ⎔āļ¸āˇŠ āļˇāˇāˇ€āˇ’āļ­āˇ āļšāļģāļą āļ†āļšāˇāļģāļē āļ´āˇ’⎅⎒āļļāļŗ āļ‹āļ¯āˇāˇ„āļģāļĢāļēāļšāˇŠ āļŊāˇ™āˇƒ āļē. āļšāļŊ⎒āļąāˇŠ āļ¸āˇš āˇ€āˇƒāļģ⎚  āļœāˇāˇƒāˇ āļ­āˇ“āļģāļē⎚ āļŠāˇāˇŠâ€āļģāˇāļēāļŊ āļĸāļą āˇƒāļ‚āˇ„āˇāļģāļē āļ¸āļ°āˇŠâ€āļēāļē⎚ āļ‰āļģāˇāļąāļē⎚ āļąāˇŠâ€āļēāˇ‚āˇŠāļ§āˇ’āļš āļ´āˇ’⎄⎒āļ§āˇ”āļ¸āˇŠ ⎃⎊āļŽāˇāļą āˇ€āˇ™āļ­ āļ‘āļšāˇŠāˇƒāļ­āˇŠ āļĸāļąāļ´āļ¯-āļŠāˇāˇŠâ€āļģāˇāļēāļŊ⎊ āļļāˇāļ¸āˇŠāļļ ⎄⎙āļŊ⎓āļ¸, āļ§āˇŠâ€āļģāļ¸āˇŠāļ´āˇŠ āˇƒāˇ’āļē āˇƒāˇ”āļ´āˇ”āļģ⎔āļ¯āˇ” āļ†āˇ€āļģ⎒āļ­, āļ¸āˇāˇ†āˇ’āļēāˇ āļ´āļąāˇŠāļąāļē⎚ āļ­āļģ⎊āļĸāļą āˇƒāļ¸āļŸāˇ’āļąāˇŠ āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģ⎁āļ‚āˇƒāˇ āļšāˇ… āļ…āļ­āļģ, āļ‘āļē āļ§āˇ˛āļ¸āļąāˇŠāļœāˇš āļļāˇāļ¸āˇŠāļļ āļˇāˇāˇ€āˇ’āļ­āļē āˇƒāˇ’āˇ„āˇ’āļ´āļ­āˇŠ āļšāˇ… āļļ⎀ āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāļšāˇāˇ āļšāˇ…āˇšāļē. āļ”⎄⎔ āļ¸āˇ™āˇƒāˇš āļ´āˇāˇ€āˇƒāˇ“āļē:

“āļ‘āļē ⎀⎙āļąāļ­āˇŠ āˇƒāˇ’āļ¯āˇ”⎀⎓āļ¸āļšāˇŠ āļœāˇāļą āļ¸āˇ’āļąāˇ’āˇƒāˇ”āļąāˇŠāļ§ āļ¸āļ­āļšāˇŠ āļšāļģ āļ¯āˇ”āļąāˇŠ āļ…āļ­āļģ ⎄⎐āļģ⎓ āļ§āˇŠâ€āļģ⎞āļ¸āļąāˇŠāļœāˇš āļ´āˇ’āļąāˇŠāļ­āˇ–āļģāļē āļ¯āˇāļąāˇŠ āļ‘āļē āļ­āˇ’āļļ⎒āļē āļē⎔āļ­āˇ” ⎀⎖ āļŊ⎃⎊⎃āļą āˇƒāˇŠāļŽāˇāļąāļēāļš āļŊ⎜āļļ⎒āļē⎚ āļ‡āļ­. āļąāļ¸āˇ”āļ­āˇŠ āļ‘āļē āļļāˇœāˇ„āˇ ⎃āļ§āļąāˇŠ āļąāļ­āļģ āļšāˇ… āļ…āļ­āļģ, āļ¸āˇ™āļē āļļāˇœāˇ„āˇ ⎃āļ§āļąāˇŠ āļąāļ­āļģ āļšāˇ…āˇšāļē. āļ‘āļē āˇƒāˇ’āļ¯āˇ” ⎀⎖ ⎀⎒āļ§, āļ‘āļē ⎃āļ¸āˇŠāļ´āˇ–āļģ⎊āļĢāļē⎙āļąāˇŠāļ¸ āˇ€āˇ™āļąāˇƒāˇŠ āļ´āļąāˇŠāļ¯āˇ” āļšāˇŠâ€āļģ⎓āļŠāˇāˇ€āļšāˇŠ ⎀⎒āļē.”

āļ‘āļąāļ¸āˇ”āļ­āˇŠ āļ°āļąāˇšāˇāˇŠāˇ€āļģ āļ†āļąāˇŠāļŠāˇ” āļąāˇŠâ€āļēāˇ‚āˇŠāļ§āˇ’āļš āļ…⎀⎒ ⎃āļ¸āļŸ āļģāˇ”āˇƒāˇ’āļēāˇāļąāˇ” āˇƒāˇ–āļ¯āˇ” āļšāˇŠâ€āļģ⎓āļŠāˇāˇ€ (Russian roulette) āļšāļģāļ¸āˇ’āļąāˇŠ āˇƒāˇ’āļ§āˇ“. ⎃āļ¸āˇƒāˇŠāļ­ āļ°āļąāˇšāˇāˇŠāˇ€āļģ āļ´āļ¯āˇŠāļ°āļ­āˇ’āļē⎚ āļ¸āˇāļģāˇāļąāˇŠāļ­āˇ’āļš āļ…āļģ⎊āļļ⎔āļ¯āļēāļšāˇŠ āļ¸āļ°āˇŠâ€āļēāļē⎚, āļ”⎀⎔āļąāˇŠ āļąāˇŠâ€āļēāˇ‚āˇŠāļ§āˇ’āļš āļ…⎀⎒ āļˇāˇāˇ€āˇ’āļ­āˇ āļšāˇ’āļģ⎓āļ¸ āļ‡āļ­āˇ”⎅⎔ āļ•āļąāˇ‘āļ¸ āļ…āļ´āļģāˇāļ°āļēāļšāļ§ āļē⎜āļ¸āˇ” ⎀⎓āļ¸āļ§ āˇƒāˇ–āļ¯āˇāļąāļ¸āˇŠāˇ€ āˇƒāˇ’āļ§āˇ’āļ­āˇ’.

⎄⎒āļģāˇāˇ‚āˇ’āļ¸āˇ āˇƒāˇ„ āļąāˇāļœāˇƒāˇāļšāˇ’ ⎀⎙āļ­ āļ´āļģāļ¸āˇāļĢ⎔āļš āļ…⎀⎒ ⎄⎙⎅⎓āļ¸āˇ™āļąāˇŠ āˇ€āˇƒāļģ 80āļšāļ§ āļ´āˇƒāˇ” āļ¸āˇāļąāˇ€ āˇāˇ’āˇ‚āˇŠāļ§āˇāļ āˇāļģāļē āļ…āļ°āˇ’āļģāˇāļĸāˇŠâ€āļēāˇ€āˇāļ¯āˇ“ āļē⎔āļ¯āˇŠāļ°āļē ⎄āļģāˇ„āˇ ⎃āļ¸āˇ–āļŊāļāˇāļ­āļąāļē ⎀⎓āļ¸āˇš āļ­āļģ⎊āļĸāļąāļēāļ§ āļŊāļšāˇŠāˇ€ āļ‡āļ­. āļ°āļąāˇšāˇāˇŠāˇ€āļģ āļšāļ­āˇ’āļ´āļēāˇāļ°āˇ’āļšāˇāļģāļē āļ…āļ­āˇ’āļąāˇŠ āļļāļŊāļē āļŊāļļāˇāļœāˇ™āļą āļ…āļ°āˇ’āļģāˇāļĸāˇŠâ€āļēāˇ€āˇāļ¯āˇ“ āļē⎔āļ¯āˇŠāļ°āļē⎚ āļ¸āˇ–āļŊ āˇ„āˇšāļ­āˇ”⎀ ⎀āļą āļ°āļąāˇšāˇāˇŠāˇ€āļģ āļ´āļ¯āˇŠāļ°āļ­āˇ’āļē āļ´āˇ™āļģāļŊāˇ āļ¯āˇāļ¸āˇ“āļ¸āˇš āļ‰āļ¯āˇ’āļģ⎒āļ¯āļģ⎊⎁āļąāļēāļšāˇ’āļąāˇŠ ⎃āļąāˇŠāļąāļ¯āˇŠāļ° āļšāļ¸āˇŠāļšāļģ⎔ āļ´āļąāˇŠāļ­āˇ’āļē āļ­āˇ”āļŊ āļļ⎄⎔āļĸāļą, āļĸāˇāļ­āˇŠâ€āļēāļąāˇŠāļ­āļģ āļē⎔āļ¯ āˇ€āˇ’āļģāˇāļ°āˇ“ āˇ€āˇŠâ€āļēāˇāļ´āˇāļģāļēāļšāˇŠ āļœāˇœāļŠāļąāˇāļœāˇ“āļ¸ āļ…āˇ€āˇāˇŠâ€āļē āˇ€āˇš.

⎄⎒āļģāˇāˇ‚āˇ’āļ¸āˇ āˇƒāˇ„ āļąāˇāļœāˇƒāˇāļšāˇ’ āļ´āļģāļ¸āˇāļĢ⎔ āļļāˇāļ¸āˇŠāļļ ⎄⎙āļŊ⎓āļ¸āˇ™āļąāˇŠ āˇ€āˇƒāļģ 80 āļšāļ§ āļ´āˇƒāˇ– Read More Âģ

Gaza

Workers must mobilise to halt the Zionist/imperialist extermination of the Palestinians in Gaza

By Jordan Shilton

Reposted below is the WSWS.org Perspective published here on August 08, 2025.

Gaza
Palestinians struggle to get food and humanitarian aid from the back of a truck as it moves along the Morag corridor near Rafah, in the southern Gaza Strip, Monday, Aug. 4, 2025 [AP Photo/Mariam Dagga]

The decision by the security cabinet of Israel’s fascistic government to expand its military occupation of the Gaza Strip will mean death for hundreds of thousands of Palestinians and presages their final ethnic cleansing. Workers and young people who want to stop this barbarism must construct a socialist movement in the working class against the Zionist regime and its imperialist patrons.

The phased plan proposes the military conquest of the Gaza Strip, including Gaza City, Khan Younis and other refugee camps, where at least a million displaced Palestinians are located. Responding to tactical concerns expressed by the Israel Defense Forces Chief of Staff Eyal Zamir of an unnecessary loss of military personnel and endangering the 20 hostages still held by Hamas, open talk of permanent annexation has given way to a proposal to hold the captured areas for five months with a new security perimeter set up inside the enclave, while Hamas is eliminated and the remaining hostages are freed. This is to be followed supposedly by some unspecified form of Arab control.

Behind this rhetorical shift, mass murder and ethnic cleansing are still on the order of the day. The IDF has already issued new enforced displacement orders in parts of Gaza City in the north and Khan Younis in the south. A military spokesman said ground troops were preparing to “expand the scope of combat operations.”

One million people, around half of the enclave’s population, will initially be driven south toward the Mawasi “humanitarian zone”—a concentration camp—after which a military offensive will be launched in the ethnically cleansed area. Many of these people, who are already starving and have been displaced multiple times since the genocide began, will die en route.

This is a genocide carried out by the Zionist regime but made in Washington, Berlin and London. 

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s ability to escalate the extermination and expulsion of the Palestinians is made possible by the unconditional support his government enjoys from the imperialist powers that have flooded weapons and other war materiel to the Zionist regime. Indeed, President Trump greenlighted Netanyahu’s plan when he declared on August 5, “So Israel is going to have to make a decision. â€Ļ It’s going to be pretty much up to Israel.” 

Since the outset of Israel’s latest onslaught on Gaza in October 2023, the imperialist governments have combined their arming of Israel with efforts to crush popular opposition to the genocide at home by deploying police violence and smear campaigns branding anti-genocide activists as “antisemites.”

But the decades-long support for the Zionist regime by the imperialist powers goes back to the creation in 1948 of a Jewish-exclusivist state in the British mandate of Palestine. As the Fourth International explained in May 1948, the partition of Palestine into a Jewish state and Arab territories “is a compromise between the imperialist robbers” in the US and Britain aimed at securing their positions in the region. Partition would “throttle the anti-imperialist fight of the masses, while Zionists and Arab feudalists will vie for imperialist favours,” the Fourth International warned.

Nearly eight decades on, the imperialists can only preserve Israel as a bridgehead for their domination over the Middle East by backing the annihilation of the Palestinians.

The determination on the part of Washington and its European accomplices to facilitate the genocide and crack down on any opposition flows from their desperate striving to advance their predatory economic and geopolitical interests amid a global capitalist breakdown. The same antagonisms between the major powers that led to two world wars in the last century have created the conditions for a third imperialist world war, which threatens the very survival of humanity. 

The initial stages of this conflict are well underway, with the genocide of the Palestinians serving as a component of US imperialism’s push to secure unchallenged hegemony over the oil-rich Middle East. At the same time, the imperialist gangsters are waging a war against Russia with the aim of reducing it to a semi-colonial status and preparing a war on China to block its economic rise. The imperialists’ readiness to sanction the slaughter of an entire people provides an indication of the barbarism of which they are capable in pursuit of raw materials, markets, pools of labour and geostrategic influence.

The despotic Arab regimes continue to vie for imperialist favours and are deeply complicit in mass murder. For the Egyptian, Jordanian, Saudi and other Gulf ruling elites, their main concern is to serve as junior partners in Washington’s war of regional conquest and plunder, forming an anti-Iranian alliance, without provoking an upsurge of the oppressed Arab working class against their rule. Thus their refusal to offer any opposition to the genocide beyond hypocritical statements of concern and proposals to orchestrate the expulsion of the Palestinians, i.e., carry out a crime against humanity more “humanely.” On the very day that Netanyahu discussed the expansion of military operations in Gaza with his security cabinet, Egypt inked a joint deal with the Zionist regime for the export of natural gas worth an estimated $35 billion.

The Zionists and their imperialist paymasters have succeeded for nearly two years in carrying through their criminal “final solution” of the Palestinian question thanks above all to the despicable conduct of the social democratic parties, trade unions and their political hangers-on. Parties like Labour in Britain and Germany’s Social Democrats that are in government have supplied Netanyahu’s fascist regime with weapons and military equipment and outlawed popular opposition. The trade unions in all of the major imperialist centres have systematically suppressed opposition in the working class to the genocide, ignoring the appeal of Palestinian trade unions at its outset for global solidarity actions to halt Israel’s onslaught.

Millions of workers and young people have taken to the streets around the world to express their outrage over the genocide. However, the social democratic and Stalinist parties, as well as the pseudo-left organisations and campaign groups in their orbit, have shackled protesters to the bankrupt strategy of moral appeals meant to pressure the very imperialist war criminals responsible for butchering the Palestinians.

The urgent task facing the working class in the imperialist centres is to mobilise its immense social power to halt the Gaza genocide and the war machine responsible for its implementation. Workers throughout manufacturing, transportation, and other key sectors must organise themselves in defiance of the union bureaucracy to fight for the following demands:

  • An immediate halt to shipment of all weapons to Israel.
  • The boycott of all trade and other economic activity with Israel.
  • US, European and other corporations assisting Israel in carrying out the genocide must be indicted and prosecuted.
  • The arrest of Israeli officials for war crimes.
  • The end of repression of the opposition to the Gaza genocide.
  • The immediate and unhindered access to Gaza for the supply of aid via all available land crossings.

These demands can only be enforced through the initiation of an industrial and political struggle by the working class. This week’s strike at Boeing, at the very heart of the US war machine, underscores the real basis for the development of a mass movement against imperialist war and the horrendous crimes it produces.

Strikes and a refusal to produce and handle goods destined for Israel must be combined with sustained efforts to broaden the struggle to other sections of workers and young people. Resolutions should be adopted by workers and delegations sent to other workplaces aimed at mobilising the working class all over the world to stop imperialist barbarism by taking up the fight for socialism.

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Palestine

Mobilize the working class to stop the Gaza genocide!

By WSWS Editorial Board.

Reposted below is the WSWS Editorial Board Statement published on wsws.org here on July 24, 2025.

Palestine
Palestinians carry boxes containing food and humanitarian aid packages delivered by the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation, a U.S.-backed organization approved by Israel, in Rafah, southern Gaza Strip, Tuesday, May 27, 2025 [AP Photo/Abdel Kareem Hana]

Every day brings new reports of the genocidal violence the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) are unleashing on the defenseless Palestinian population. With food distribution to Gaza reduced to a trickle, dozens of Palestinians are dying of hunger each day, and more than 1,000 have been shot by IDF forces while trying to reach aid distribution points.

In Deir al-Balah, raided by Israel on Sunday, Palestinians returning to their homes are met with scenes of devastation—“complete destruction,” as one resident described it in comments to CNN. “There is nothing that indicates a source of life.”

World Health Organization Director-General Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus said on Wednesday that the people of Gaza are confronting “mass starvation â€Ļ a large proportion of the population of Gaza is starving.”

While the Israeli government is carrying out these atrocities, the United States and the major European imperialist powers are directly complicit. For nearly two years, they have armed and financed Israel as it wages genocide in Gaza, criminalized domestic opposition to the slaughter, and politically justified this historic crime—one that ranks alongside the atrocities committed by the Nazis during World War II.

A coalition of European powers and other close allies of US imperialism issued a cynical statement Monday trying to wash themselves of responsibility.

In the statement, Britain, France, Italy, Spain, Canada, Japan, Australia and New Zealand, along with a number of smaller powers now acknowledge Israel’s undeniable resort to mass murder. Yet they remain steadfast in their support for the Zionist regime. Refusing to call the Gaza war a genocide, they offer only vague euphemisms while fully endorsing the policies of Washington, which alongside Berlin, is the main provider of arms to Israel.

They state, “The Israeli government’s aid delivery model is dangerous, fuels instability and deprives Gazans of human dignity. We condemn the drip feeding of aid and the inhumane killing of civilians, including children, seeking to meet their most basic needs of water and food. It is horrifying that over 800 Palestinians have been killed while seeking aid.” Calling for a “permanent ceasefire,” they conclude, “We reaffirm our complete support to the efforts of the US â€Ļ to achieve this.”

But Washington is not seeking peace, any more than Israel is focused on delivering aid to Gaza. For nearly two years, the United States has shipped bombs, artillery, drones and other weapons used by Israel to target hospitals, refugee camps, medics and starving women and children. From the outset, top Israeli officials openly declared their genocidal aims, referring to Palestinians as “human animals” and invoking the Biblical command to exterminate the “seed of Amalek.”

Six months ago, Trump pledged that Washington would “take over” Gaza, expel the Palestinians, “level it out” and turn it into a beach resort, the “Riviera of the Middle East.” Now, Israeli officials are moving to implement this plan, which has underpinned their policy from the beginning. On Tuesday, in the Knesset, fascist Israeli Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich called on Israel to “conquer and settle Gaza,” declaring, “We have strong support from President Trump to turn Gaza into a prosperous region, a coastal city with settlement and employment.”

The statement from the European imperialist powers refrains from labeling the Israeli war a genocide and ethnic cleansing, but they are well aware that this is what is taking place. Indeed, their statement declares: “Proposals to remove the Palestinian population into a ‘humanitarian city’ are completely unacceptable. Permanent forced displacement is a violation of international humanitarian law.” Nonetheless, they cynically embrace US policy under the banner of peace.

The imperialist powers support Israel’s genocide because it is in line with their geopolitical interests. If Israel’s actions conflicted with those interests, they would be halted immediately. As German Chancellor Friedrich Merz bluntly admitted, “Israel is doing the dirty work for all of us.” Backed and armed by the United States, Britain, France, Spain, Italy, Canada and Australia, the Zionist regime functions as a proxy for imperialist domination of the oil-rich Middle East.

Mass and growing opposition to Israel’s crimes exist throughout the world. What is lacking is a clear program and perspective. The International Committee of the Fourth International and its affiliated Socialist Equality Parties insist that the genocide will not be stopped through appeals to the very capitalist governments carrying out and enabling the genocide. What is urgently required, and what has not yet occurred, is the independent eruption of the working class onto the political stage.

We propose that workers and young people throughout the world raise definite demands, including:

An immediate halt of shipment of all weapons to Israel. Since the beginning of the genocide, it is estimated that Israel has received some $25 billion in weapons and other assistance. The vast majority of bombs dropped on Palestinian homes has been provided by the United States and the European imperialist powers.

The boycott of all trade and other economic activity with Israel. The ability of the Israeli state to carry out the genocide must be halted by crippling its economic foundations. A recent comment in the Financial Times noted that since October 2023, Israel’s stock market has been the “best-performing in the world,” with an influx of foreign capital fueling the wealth of the ruling elite and financing the Zionist regime’s ability to murder Palestinians.

US, European and other corporations assisting Israel in carrying out the genocide must be indicted and prosecuted. The ruling class internationally is arming Israel behind the backs of the population and reaping vast profits by providing the IDF weapons, AI and surveillance infrastructure, just as corporations like IG Farben profited from making Zyklon B gas for the gas chambers the Nazis used to kill Jews. Washington retaliated against UN Special Rapporteur Francesca Albanese’s denunciation of this “economy of genocide” by revoking her visa and freezing her bank accounts.

The arrest of Israeli officials for war crimes. International arrest warrants have already been drawn up against many Israeli leaders, including Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, but are ignored by the imperialist powers. Moreover, serving in the IDF are many citizens of the US and European countries. They should be subject to arrest and prosecution if it is determined that they in any way contributed to the genocide.

The end of repression of the opposition to the Gaza genocide. Capitalist governments, including those that signed this week’s statement, have relentlessly criminalized opposition to the genocide. They have carried out mass arrests against organizations criticizing it, launched bloody police assaults on pro-Gaza protests, and prosecuted defenders of Gaza on bogus terrorism or antisemitism charges. Workers and youth must fight to defend those who come out in defense of Gaza, for charges against them to be dropped and to end the repression of their activities.

These demands will not be achieved through appeals to the governments and institutions responsible for the genocide. It requires the intervention of the international working class through strikes, walkouts and other forms of independent action. This means organizing outside the stranglehold of the trade union apparatus, which in every country has done nothing to stop the slaughter in Gaza.

The struggle must unify workers across all borders—Palestinian, Israeli, American, European and beyond—in a common fight against imperialist war, genocide and the capitalist system that produces them. This includes Israeli workers, who must reject the Zionist regime and its crimes. There are significant layers of the Israeli population who are horrified by the actions of their government. In earlier decades, the Israeli state honored non-Jews who resisted the Nazis as “righteous among the nations.” Today, Israelis who recognize the criminal character of the genocide must speak out and take action.

The fight against the genocide in Gaza is inseparable from the fight against the expanding global imperialist war, of which it is a component part. The aim of the imperialist powers to create a “new Middle East” under their domination is inseparable from their broader war plans against Russia and China. 

The World Socialist Web Site, the International Committee of the Fourth International and its affiliated Socialist Equality Parties call for an end to the Gaza genocide through the building of a new international anti-war movement. This movement must be grounded in the working class and based on a revolutionary socialist program. Its goal must be to abolish the capitalist profit system, which is the root cause of war.

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Zelenskyy trump

Zelensky government hails Trump’s resumption of weapons deliveries

By Jason Melanovski.

Reposted below is the article published on wsws.org here on July 11, 2025.

Zelenskyy trump
President Donald Trump meets with Ukraine’s President Volodymyr Zelensky at Trump Tower, Sept. 27, 2024, in New York. [AP Photo/Julia Demaree Nikhinson]

In a complete about-face from the position his administration declared last week, United States President Donald Trump announced on Monday that his government would continue to send weapons to Kiev in order to fuel the ongoing proxy war against Russia that has killed hundreds of thousands in its over three-year history. 

“We’re gonna send some more weapons we have to them, they have to be able to defend themselves, they’re getting hit very hard now,” Trump told reporters during a meeting of US and Israeli officials at the White House.

Later that day, the Pentagon released its own statement confirming more war materiel would be sent to Ukraine, likewise contradicting its previous statements that aid had been paused.

“At President Trump’s direction, the Department of Defense is sending additional defensive weapons to Ukraine to ensure the Ukrainians can defend themselves while we work to secure a lasting peace and ensure the killing stops,” it stated.

While initial reports from Politico cited Pentagon policy chief Elbridge Colby as the Trump official responsible for the weapons halt last week, shortly thereafter NBC News named Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth as the individual who made the decision, as part of a “capability review,” to unilaterally halt shipments to Ukraine starting on July 2.

According to the Washington Post, included in the items being held back from Ukraine were over two dozen Patriot air defense missiles, over two dozen Stinger air defense systems, precision artillery rounds, Hellfire missiles, drones and more than 90 AIM air-to-air missiles that Ukraine launches from F-16 fighter jets. These were reportedly already in Poland and being prepped for delivery to Ukraine when the order to cease was declared. 

The move, which was roundly criticized by the Ukrainian government, was later confirmed by both the Pentagon and White House, with Trump’s press secretary stating that the decision “was made to put America’s interests first following a (U.S. Defense Department) review of our nation’s military support and assistance to other countries across the globe.”

As has become typical of his crisis-plagued, criminal presidency, Trump later performed an about-face while speaking to a NY Times reporter last Friday.

“Why did you pause weapons shipments to Ukraine?” the journalist asked Trump as he was boarding Air Force One.

“We haven’t,” Trump replied, flatly contradicting multiple previous statements from his own government. “We’re giving weapons.”

Trump’s 180-degree foreign policy turn is being publicly celebrated by the right-wing dictatorial government of President Volodymyr Zelensky, following a disastrous public meeting at the White House between the two presidents, who was just months ago was accusing Trump of living in a Russian “disinformation space.” 

On Tuesday, Andriy Yermak, Zelensky’s closest presidential advisor, vociferously hailed Trump as the “only leader” who can pressure Russia to end the war on Ukrainian terms in an interview with the NY Post.

“I always knew that the two presidents share a lot in common. They have many of the things that they see the same way—they just need to talk more,” he said. “There was a brilliant meeting in the Vatican, and then several phone calls, and then meeting in The Hague, and so all that is the work to understand each other more deeply. 

“And you know, certain events had to unfold, certain conversations had to happen—including conversations with (Russian President Vladimir) Putin.”

Yermak’s glowing description of Trump is a tacit admission that both the war and the Zelensky government itself are highly dependent on the continuation of US military and financial aid.

Despite having been allocated $182.8 billion in US support since the beginning of the full-scale war in February 2022, the Ukrainian government continues to be totally dependent on foreign aid to function.

Speaking Wednesday at the 2025 Ukraine Recovery Conference, Ukrainian Prime Minister Denys Shmyhal underlined the critical financial situation of the country.

“The total financial resource for defence and security in 2025 will amount to nearly US$50 billion. That is 26% of GDP,” the prime minister stated.

The weapons procurement budget is also at a record-high $16.4 billion, while the state’s own revenue is projected to be just $48.5 billion.

“Thus, external financing is critically important for us, as it allows Ukraine to allocate its own resources directed at defending our country,” Shmyhal said.

Shmyhal also noted that Ukraine has already secured $22 billion in foreign aid for 2025. But it needs more for next year.

“Meanwhile, 2026 remains a challenge. Our external financing needs will stay above $40 billion. The key task is to develop mechanisms and instruments that will make it possible to raise these funds.”

Whatever the full story behind the rapid vacillations of Trump’s policy towards Ukraine, the ultimate goal of the Trump administration is to uphold the predatory interests of US capitalism, as demonstrated by the “critical minerals” signed between Ukraine and the US in April.

As Trump has demonstrated, despite his campaign promises to end the war in Ukraine in “24 hours,” he is just as committed to war as his predecessors, as long as it maximizes the interests of US capitalism.

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iranattackin israel

āļ‰āļģāˇāļąāļēāļ§ āļ‘āļģ⎙⎄⎒ āļ‘āļšāˇŠāˇƒāļ­āˇŠ āļĸāļąāļ´āļ¯-āļŠāˇāˇŠâ€āļģāˇāļēāļŊ āļē⎔āļ¯āˇŠāļ°āļē āļ´āˇ’āļ§āˇ”āļ´āˇƒ āļŠāļ§ āļ´āˇāļ¯āļš āˇ€āˇ– āļˇāˇ–-āļ¸āˇ–āļŊāˇāļ´āˇāļē⎒āļš āˇ„āˇšāļ­āˇ”

āļœāˇšāļļ⎊āļģ⎒āļē⎙āļŊ⎊ āļļ⎊āļŊ⎐āļšāˇŠ āˇ€āˇ’āˇƒāˇ’āļąāˇ’.

āļ¸āˇ™āˇ„⎒ āļ´āļŊ⎀āļąāˇŠāļąāˇš āļŊāˇāļš āˇƒāļ¸āˇāļĸāˇ€āˇāļ¯āˇ“ ⎀⎙āļļ⎊ āļ…āļŠāˇ€āˇ’āļē⎚ (āļŊāˇāˇƒāˇ€āˇ™āļ…) 2025 āļĸ⎔āļąāˇ’ 27 āļ¯āˇ’āļą â€˜The underlying geostrategic reasons behind the US-Israeli war against Iran’ āļēāļą āˇ„āˇ’āˇƒāˇ’āļąāˇŠ āļ´āļŊ⎀⎖ āļœāˇšāļļ⎊āļģ⎒āļē⎙āļŊ⎊ āļļ⎊āļŊ⎐āļšāˇŠ āˇ€āˇ’āˇƒāˇ’āļąāˇŠ āļŊ⎒āļēāļą āļŊāļ¯ āļŊ⎒āļ´āˇ’āļē⎚ āˇƒāˇ’āļ‚⎄āļŊ āļ´āļģ⎒⎀āļģ⎊āļ­āļąāļē āļē⎒.

iranattackin israel
āļœāˇ’āļąāˇ’ āļąāˇ’⎀āļą āļˇāļ§āļē⎒āļąāˇŠ 2025 āļĸ⎔āļąāˇ’ 24 ⎀āļą āļ…āļŸāˇ„āļģāˇ”āˇ€āˇāļ¯āˇ āļŠāˇāˇŠâ€āļģāˇāļēāļŊāļē⎚ āļ‰āļģāˇāļą āļ¸āˇ’āˇƒāļē⎒āļŊ āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāˇ„āˇāļģāļēāļšāˇ’āļąāˇŠ āļ´āˇ„āļģ āļ¯āˇ”āļąāˇŠ ⎃⎊āļŽāˇāļąāļē āļ´āļģ⎓āļšāˇŠāˇ‚āˇ āļšāļģāļē⎒. [AP Photo/Leo Correa]

āļĸ⎖āļąāˇ’ 12āļ¯āˇ āļŠāˇāˇŠâ€āļģāˇāļēāļŊ āļē⎔āļ° āļœāˇ”⎀āļąāˇŠ āļēāˇāļąāˇ āļ‘āļģāļ§āļ§ āļ´āˇ”āļŊ⎔āļŊ⎊ āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāˇ„āˇāļģāļēāļšāˇŠ āļ¯āˇ’āļēāļ­āˇŠ āļšāļģāļ¸āˇ’āļąāˇŠ āļ‡āļģāļšāˇ” āļąāˇ“āļ­āˇ’ ⎀⎒āļģāˇāļ°āˇ“ āļē⎔āļ¯āˇŠāļ°āļē āļąāˇāļ§āļšāˇ“āļē āļŊāˇ™āˇƒ āļ‹āļ­āˇŠāˇƒāļąāˇŠāļą āļšāļģāļ¸āˇ’āļąāˇŠ, āļĸ⎖āļąāˇ’ 21āļ¯āˇ āļ‘āļšāˇŠāˇƒāļ­āˇŠ āļĸāļąāļ´āļ¯āļē āļ‰āļģāˇāļąāļē⎚ āļąāˇŠâ€āļēāˇ‚āˇŠāļ§āˇ’āļš āˇƒāˇŠāļŽāˇāļą āļ­āˇ”āļąāļšāļ§ āļļāˇāļ¸āˇŠāļļ ⎄⎙āļŊ⎓āļē.

⎅āļ¸āļē⎒āļąāˇŠ 13 āļ¯āˇ™āļąāˇ™āļšāˇ” āļ¯ āļ‡āļ­āˇ”⎅⎔⎀, āļ‰āļģāˇāļąāļēāļ§ āļ‘āļģ⎙⎄⎒ āļ‘āļšāˇŠāˇƒāļ­āˇŠ āļĸāļąāļ´āļ¯-āļŠāˇāˇŠâ€āļģāˇāļēāļŊ āļē⎔āļ¯āˇŠāļ°āļē⎙āļąāˇŠ āļ¸āˇ’āļēāļœāˇ’āļē āļ¸āˇ”⎅⎔ ⎃āļ‚āļ›āˇŠâ€āļēāˇāˇ€ āļ¯āˇāļąāˇŠ 610 āļšāļšāˇ’. āļ”⎀⎔āļąāˇŠāļœāˇ™āļąāˇŠ āļ…āļ­āˇ’āļ¸āˇ„āļ­āˇŠ āļļ⎄⎔āļ­āļģāļē āˇƒāˇ’āˇ€āˇ’āļŊ⎊ āˇ€āˇāˇƒāˇ’āļēāļąāˇŠ āˇ€āˇš.

āļ¸āˇš ⎀āļą āˇ€āˇ’āļ§ āļ‰āļģāˇāļąāļēāļ§ āļļāˇāļ¸āˇŠāļļ ⎄⎙āļŊ⎓āļ¸ āļąāļ­āļģ ⎀⎓ āļ‡āļ­. āļļ⎒āļŗāˇ™āļąāˇƒāˇ”āļŊ⎔ ⎃āļ§āļąāˇŠ ⎀⎒āļģāˇāļ¸āļēāļšāˇŠ āļšāˇŠâ€āļģ⎒āļēāˇāļ­āˇŠāļ¸āļš āˇ€āˇš. āļąāļ¸āˇ”āļ­āˇŠ āļŠāˇāˇŠâ€āļģāˇāļēāļŊ ⎄āļ¸āˇ”āļ¯āˇāˇ€āˇš āļ¸āˇāļĢ⎊āļŠāļŊ⎒āļš āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāļ°āˇāļąāˇ“ āļŊ⎔āļ­āˇ’āļąāļąāˇŠ āļĸ⎙āļąāļģāˇāļŊ⎊ Eyal Zamir āļ…āļŸāˇ„āļģāˇ”āˇ€āˇāļ¯āˇ  āļ­āļģ⎊āļĸāļąāļē āļšāˇ… āļŊāˇ™āˇƒ, “āļ…āļ´āˇ’ ⎃⎐āļŊāļšāˇ’āļē āļē⎔āļ­āˇ” āļ´āļģ⎒āļ āˇŠāļĄāˇšāļ¯āļēāļšāˇŠ āļ…āˇ€āˇƒāļąāˇŠ āļšāļģ āļ‡āļ­, āļąāļ¸āˇ”āļ­āˇŠ āļ‰āļģāˇāļąāļēāļ§ āļ‘āļģ⎙⎄⎒ āļ¸āˇ™āˇ„⎙āļē⎔āļ¸ āļ…āˇ€āˇƒāļąāˇŠ ⎀⎓ āļąāˇāļ­.”

āļ¸āˇ™āļ¸ āļąāˇ’āˇāˇŠāļ āˇ’āļ­ â€œāļ´āļģ⎒āļ āˇŠāļĄāˇšāļ¯āļēāˇšâ€ āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāļ­āˇ’āļĩāļŊāļē āļšāˇ”āļ¸āļšāˇŠ ⎀⎔⎀āļ­āˇŠ, āļ‘āļšāˇŠāˇƒāļ­āˇŠ āļĸāļąāļ´āļ¯āļē āˇƒāˇ„ āļŠāˇāˇŠâ€āļģāˇāļēāļŊāļē, āļšāļŊāˇāļ´āļē āļ­āˇ”⎅ āļ­āļ¸ āļ¯āˇ’āļœāˇ”āļšāˇāļŊ⎓āļą āļ‹āļ´āˇāļēāļ¸āˇāļģ⎊āļœāˇ’āļš āļ…āļģāļ¸āˇ”āļąâ€“āļ‰āļģāˇāļą āļ´āˇāļŊāļą āļ­āļąāˇŠāļ­āˇŠâ€āļģāļē āļ…āļļāļŊāļąāˇŠ āļšāˇ’āļģ⎓āļ¸ āˇƒāˇ„ āļœāļŊāˇŠāˇ†āˇŠāˇ„āˇ’ āļ¯āˇāˇ€āˇāļąāˇŠāļ­ āļ­āˇ™āļŊ⎊ āˇ„āˇ āļœāˇ‘āˇƒāˇŠ ⎃āļ‚āļ āˇ’āļ­āˇ€āļŊ āļ´āˇāļŊāļąāļē āļēāļŊ⎒ āļ­āˇ„⎀⎔āļģ⎔ āļšāˇ’āļģ⎓āļ¸â€“āˇƒāˇāļšāˇŠāˇ‚āˇāļ­āˇŠ āļšāļģ āļœāˇāļąāˇ“āļ¸āļ§ āļšāˇāļ´āˇ€āˇ“ āˇƒāˇ’āļ§āˇ’āļą āļļ⎀ ⎃āļ¸āˇ“āļģ⎊āļœāˇš āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāļšāˇāˇāˇ€āļŊ⎒āļąāˇŠ āļ´āˇ’⎅⎒āļļ⎒āļšāˇ” āˇ€āˇš:

2024 āļ”āļšāˇŠāļ­āˇāļ¸āˇŠāļļāļģ⎊ āļ¸āˇāˇƒāļē⎚āļ¯āˇ“ āļŠāˇāˇŠâ€āļģāˇāļēāļŊāļē āˇ€āˇ’āˇƒāˇ’āļąāˇŠ āļ‰āļģāˇāļą āļˇāˇ–āļ¸āˇ’āļēāļ§ āļ‘āļģ⎙⎄⎒⎀ āļ‘āļ­āˇ™āļšāˇŠ āˇƒāˇ’āļ¯āˇ” āļšāļģāļą āļŊāļ¯ āˇ€āˇ’āˇāˇāļŊāļ­āļ¸ āļ­āļąāˇ’ āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāˇ„āˇāļģāļē āļ¯āˇ’āļēāļ­āˇŠ āļšāļģāļą āļŊāļ¯āˇ“. āļ‘⎄⎙āļ­āˇŠ āļ‘āļšāˇŠāˇƒāļ­āˇŠ āļĸāļąāļ´āļ¯ āļĸāļąāˇāļ°āˇ’āļ´āļ­āˇ’⎀āļģāļąāļē āļ…āˇ€āˇƒāļąāˇŠ ⎀āļą āļ­āˇ™āļšāˇŠ āļ´āˇ”⎅⎔āļŊ⎊ āļē⎔āļ¯āˇŠāļ°āļēāļšāˇŠ āļšāļŊ⎊ āļ¯āļ¸āļą āļŊāļ¯āˇ“. āļ‘āļ¸ āļ¸āˇāˇƒāļē⎚āļ¸ āļŠāˇāˇŠâ€āļģāˇāļēāļŊ āļ…āļœāļ¸āˇāļ­āˇ’ āļļ⎙āļąāˇŠāļĸāļ¸āˇ’āļąāˇŠ āļąāˇ™āļ­āļąāˇŠāļēāˇāˇ„āˇ” āļ”⎄⎔āļœāˇš āļ…āļˇāˇ’āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāˇāļē āļ´āˇāˇ„⎐āļ¯āˇ’āļŊ⎒ āļšāˇ…āˇšāļē: “āļ…āˇ€āˇƒāˇāļąāļē⎚ āļ‰āļģāˇāļąāļē āļąāˇ’āļ¯āˇ„āˇƒāˇŠ ⎀⎖ ⎀⎒āļ§â€“āļ¸āˇ’āļąāˇ’āˇƒāˇ”āļąāˇŠ āˇƒāˇ’āļ­āļąāˇ€āˇāļ§ āˇ€āļŠāˇ āļ‘āļ¸ āļ¸āˇœāˇ„āˇœāļ­ āļ‰āļ­āˇ āļ‰āļšāˇŠāļ¸āļąāˇ’āļąāˇŠ āļ´āˇāļ¸āˇ’āļĢ⎙āļąāˇ” āļ‡āļ­â€”āˇƒāˇ’āļēāļŊ⎊āļŊ ⎀⎙āļąāˇƒāˇŠ ⎀āļąāˇ” āļ‡āļ­.”

āļ¯āˇāļąāˇŠ, āļ´āļŊ⎃⎊āļ­āˇ“āļą āļĸāļąāļ­āˇāˇ€āļ§ āļ‘āļģ⎙⎄⎒⎀ āļ‹āļ­āˇŠāˇƒāļąāˇŠāļą āļšāļģāļ¸āˇ’āļąāˇŠ āļ´āˇ€āļ­āˇ’āļą āˇƒāļ¸āˇ–āļŊ āļĸāļą āˇƒāļ‚āˇ„āˇāļģāļēāļš āˇ€āˇƒāļģ āļ¯āˇ™āļšā āļ´āļ¸āļĢ āļ‡āˇ€āˇ‘āļ¸āˇ™āļąāˇŠ, āļŠāˇāˇŠâ€āļģāˇāļēāļŊāļē, āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāˇ„āˇāļģāļē ⎃āļŗāˇ„āˇ āļ­āļ¸ āļ¸āˇœāˇ„āˇœāļ­ āˇƒāˇœāļēāˇāļœāļą āļ­āˇ’āļļ⎚. āļ‰āļģāˇāļąāļēāļ§ āļ‘āļģ⎙⎄⎒ āļē⎔āļ¯āˇŠāļ°āļē ⎃āļąāˇ’āļ§āˇ”⎄āļąāˇŠ āļšāļģāļąāˇŠāļąāˇš āˇ€āˇƒāļģ āļœāļąāļąāˇāˇ€āļšāˇŠ āļ­āˇ’āˇƒāˇŠāˇƒāˇš āļœāˇœāļŠāļąāˇāļ‚⎀⎓āļ¸āļš āļšāˇ–āļ§āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāˇāļ´āˇŠāļ­āˇ’āļēāļē⎒ – āļšāļŊāˇāļ´āļē āļ­āˇ”āļŊ āļ”⎀⎔āļąāˇŠāļœāˇš ⎀āļŠāˇāļ­āˇŠāļ¸ āļ āˇ’āļģ⎃⎊āļŽāˇāļē⎓ ⎀⎒āļģ⎔āļ¯āˇŠāļ°āˇ€āˇāļ¯āˇ’āļēāˇāļ§ āļ´āˇ„āļģ āļ¯āˇ“āļ¸āˇš ⎄⎀⎔āļŊ⎊ āļ…āļ´āˇšāļšāˇŠāˇ‚āˇāˇ€āļšāˇŠ āļŠāˇāˇŠâ€āļģāˇāļēāļŊ āˇ„āˇ āļ‡āļ¸āļģ⎒āļšāˇāļąāˇ” ⎃āļ‚āˇƒāˇŠāļŽāˇāļ´āˇ’āļ­āļē āļēāļą āļ¯āˇ™āļšāļ¸ āļļ⎙āļ¯āˇ āļœāļąāˇ“. āļ‘āļē ⎃āļ¸āˇāļĸ āļ¯āˇ™āļšāˇ™āˇ„⎒āļ¸ āˇ€āˇāļŠāˇ™āļą āļ…āļˇāˇŠâ€āļēāļąāˇŠāļ­āļģ āļ…āļģ⎊āļļ⎔āļ¯ āˇƒāˇ„ āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāļ­āˇ’⎀⎒āļģāˇāļ°āļ­āˇ ⎀āļŊ⎒āļąāˇŠ āļ…⎀āļ°āˇāļąāļē āļ‰āˇ€āļ­ āˇ„āˇāļģ⎀⎓āļ¸ āļŊāˇ™āˇƒāļ¯ āļšāˇŠâ€āļģ⎒āļēāˇ āļšāļģāļē⎒.

āļ¸āˇ™āļ¸ āļē⎔āļ¯āˇŠāļ°āļē āļ´āˇ’āļ§āˇ”āļ´āˇƒ āļ‡āļ­āˇ’ āļ…āˇ€āˇƒāˇāļą āļ‰āļŊāļšāˇŠāļšāļē ⎀āļąāˇŠāļąāˇš āļ‰āļģāˇāļąāļē⎚ āˇ€āˇ’āˇāˇāļŊāļ­āļ¸ āˇ€āˇ™āˇ…āļŗ āˇ„āˇ€āˇ”āļŊ⎊āļšāļģāˇ”āˇ€āˇ ⎀āļą āļ āˇ“āļąāļēāļē⎒. āļ āˇ“āļąāļēāļ§ āļ‘āļģ⎙⎄⎒ āļē⎔āļ¯āˇŠāļ°āļēāļ§ āˇƒāˇ–āļ¯āˇāļąāļ¸āˇŠ ⎀⎓āļ¸ āļšāˇ™āļģ⎙⎄⎒ āļ…⎀āļ°āˇāļąāļē ⎃āļ‚āļšāˇšāļąāˇŠāļ¯āˇŠâ€āļģāļąāļē āļšāļģ āļ‡āļ­āˇ’ āļ§āˇŠâ€āļģāļ¸āˇŠāļ´āˇŠ āļ´āļģ⎒āļ´āˇāļŊāļąāļē, āļ‰āļģāˇāļą āļ´āˇāļŊāļą āļ­āļąāˇŠāļ­āˇŠâ€āļģāļē āļ‰āˇ€āļ­āˇŠ āļšāˇ’āļģ⎓āļ¸ āˇ„āˇ āļēāļ§āˇ„āļ­āˇŠ āļ´āˇ„āļ­āˇŠ āļšāļģāļœāˇāļąāˇ“āļ¸ āļ āˇ“āļąāļē ⎃āļ¸āļœ āļē⎔āļ¯āˇŠāļ°āļē āļ¯āˇ™āˇƒāļ§ āļ­āˇ“āļģāļąāˇāļ­āˇŠāļ¸āļš āļ¸āˇ–āļŊāˇāļ´āˇāļē⎒āļš āļ´āˇ’āļē⎀āļģāļšāˇŠ āļŊāˇ™āˇƒ ⎃āļŊāļšāļē⎒. āļ‘āļē āˇ€āˇ’āˇāˇāļŊ āļļāļŊ⎁āļšāˇŠāļ­āˇ’ ⎃āļ‚āļ āˇ’āļ­ āļąāˇāˇ€āļ­ āļŊāļļāˇ āļœāˇāļąāˇ“āļ¸āļ§ āˇƒāˇ„ āļŊāˇāļšāļē⎚ ⎀āļŠāˇāļ­āˇŠāļ¸ āļ­āˇ“āļģāļąāˇāļ­āˇŠāļ¸āļš āļˇāˇ–-āļ¯āˇšāˇāļ´āˇāļŊāļąāˇ’āļš āļ…⎀⎔āļģ⎔āļ¸āˇŠ  ⎃⎊āļŽāˇāļą (chokepoints) āļ¯āˇ™āļšāļšāˇŠ ⎀āļą āļ´āļģāˇŠāˇƒāˇ’āļēāˇāļąāˇ” āļļ⎜āļšāˇŠāļš āˇƒāˇ„ āļšāˇāˇƒāˇŠāļ´āˇ’āļēāļąāˇŠ āļ¸āˇ”⎄⎔āļ¯ āļ¸āļ­ āļ‘āļšāˇŠāˇƒāļ­āˇŠ āļĸāļąāļ´āļ¯ āļ†āļ°āˇ’āļ´āļ­āˇŠâ€āļēāļē āļēāļŊ⎒ āļ­āˇ„⎀⎔āļģ⎔ āļšāˇ’āļģ⎓āļ¸āˇš āļ¸āˇāˇ€āļ­ āˇ„āˇ™āˇ…āˇ’ āļšāļģāļē⎒.

āļ‰āļģāˇāļąāļē āļ­āˇ”āļŊ āļ‘āļšāˇŠāˇƒāļ­āˇŠ āļĸāļąāļ´āļ¯ āˇƒāˇ„ āļļāˇŠâ€āļģ⎒āļ­āˇāļąāˇŠâ€āļē āļ…āļ°āˇ’āļģāˇāļĸāˇŠâ€āļēāˇ€āˇāļ¯āļē

āļ¸āˇ’āļŊ⎒āļēāļą 90 āļšāļ§ āļ…āļ°āˇ’āļš āļĸāļąāļ­āˇāˇ€āļšāˇŠ āˇ€āˇ™āˇƒāˇ™āļą āļ‰āļģāˇāļąāļē āļ¸āˇāļ¯ āļ´āˇ™āļģāļ¯āˇ’āļœ āļ¯āˇ™āˇ€āļą āˇ€āˇāļŠāˇ’āļ¸ āļĸāļąāļœāˇ„āļąāļē āˇƒāˇ„āˇ’āļ­ āļģāļ§ āˇ€āˇš. āļ‘āļē 2003 āļ¯āˇ“ āļ‘āļšāˇŠāˇƒāļ­āˇŠ āļĸāļąāļ´āļ¯āļē āļ†āļšāˇŠâ€āļģāļ¸āļĢāļē āļšāļģ ⎀⎒āļąāˇāˇ āļšāˇ… āļ‰āļģāˇāļšāļē āļ¸āˇ™āļąāˇŠ āļ¯āˇ™āļœāˇ”āļĢāļēāļšāˇŠ āˇ€āˇ’āˇāˇāļŊāļē.

⎁āļ­āˇ€āļģāˇŠāˇ‚āļēāļšāļ§ āˇ€āˇāļŠāˇ’ āļšāˇāļŊāļēāļšāˇŠ āļ­āˇ’āˇƒāˇŠāˇƒāˇš āļ‘⎄⎒ āļ­āˇ™āļŊ⎊ ⎃āļ¸āˇŠāļ´āļ­, āļ‰āļģāˇāļąāļē āļ‘āļšāˇŠāˇƒāļ­āˇŠ āļĸāļąāļ´āļ¯ āˇ„āˇ āļļāˇŠâ€āļģ⎒āļ­āˇāļąāˇŠâ€āļē āļ…āļ°āˇ’āļģāˇāļĸāˇŠâ€āļēāˇ€āˇāļ¯āļē⎚ āļ‘āļŊ⎊āļŊāļē⎚ ⎄āļģ⎒ āļ¸āˇāļ¯ āļ­āļļāˇ āļ‡āļ­.

1908 āļ¯āˇ“, āļļāˇŠâ€āļģ⎒āļ­āˇāļąāˇŠâ€āļē āļˇāˇ– ⎀⎒āļ¯āˇŠâ€āļēāˇāļĨāļē⎒āļąāˇŠ āļŊāˇāļšāļē⎚ āˇ€āˇ’āˇāˇāļŊāļ­āļ¸ āļ­āˇ™āļŊ⎊ āļąāˇ’āļ°āˇ’ āļ…āļ­āļģ ⎀āļą āļ‰āļģāˇāļąāļē⎚ āļ¯āˇāˇ€āˇāļąāˇŠāļ­ āļ­āˇ™āļŊ⎊ āļąāˇ’āļ°āˇ’ ⎃⎜āļēāˇ āļœāļ­āˇŠāˇ„. āļ…āļ¯ āļ¯āˇ’āļą BP [British Petroleum] ⎄⎒ āļ´āˇ–āļģāˇŠāˇ€āļœāˇāļ¸āˇ’āļēāˇ ⎀āļą āļ‡āļąāˇŠāļœāˇŠāļŊāˇ-āļ´āļģāˇŠāˇƒāˇ’āļēāˇāļąāˇ” āļ­āˇ™āļŊ⎊ ⎃āļ¸āˇāļœāļ¸ (Anglo-Persian Oil Company-APOC) āļ´āˇ’⎄⎒āļ§āˇ”⎀⎓āļ¸āļ§ āļļāˇŠâ€āļģ⎒āļ­āˇāļąāˇŠâ€āļē āļģāˇāļĸāˇŠâ€āļēāļē āļ‰āļšāˇŠāļ¸āļąāˇ’āļąāˇŠ āļ´āˇ’āļē⎀āļģ āļœāļ­āˇŠāļ­āˇšāļē. āļ‰āļģāˇāļąāļē⎚ āļ­āˇ™āļŊ⎊ āļļāˇŠâ€āļģ⎒āļ­āˇāļąāˇŠâ€āļēāļēāļ§ āļ…āļ­āˇ’āˇ€āˇ’āˇāˇāļŊ āļŊāˇāļˇāļēāļšāˇŠ āļŊāļļāˇ āļ¯āˇ”āļąāˇŠ āļ…āļ­āļģ āļ‰āļģāˇāļą āļĸāļąāļ­āˇāˇ€āļ§ āļšāˇ’āˇƒāˇ’āˇ€āļšāˇŠāļ¸ āļ´āˇāˇ„āˇš āļŊ⎐āļļ⎔āļĢ⎚ āļąāˇāļ­.

1940 āļœāļĢāļąāˇŠāˇ€āļŊ āļ…āļœ āļˇāˇāļœāļē ⎀āļą āˇ€āˇ’āļ§, āļ¸āˇ™āļ¸ āļ°āļąāļē āļąāˇāˇ€āļ­ āļŊāļļāˇ āļœāˇāļąāˇ“āļ¸āļ§ āļ‹āļ­āˇŠāˇƒāˇāˇ„ āļšāļģāļ¸āˇ’āļąāˇŠ āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāļˇāļŊ āļ¸āˇ„āļĸāļą āˇ€āˇāļŠ āˇ€āļģ⎊āļĸāļą āˇƒāˇ„ ⎀⎒āļģāˇāļ°āļ­āˇ āˇ€āˇŠâ€āļēāˇāļ´āˇāļģ āļ¸āļ­āˇ” ⎀⎒āļē. āļ…āļœāļ¸āˇāļ­āˇ’ āļ¸āˇœāˇ„āˇœāļ¸āļŠāˇŠ āļ¸āˇœāˇƒāˇāļŠāˇ™āļœāˇŠ (Mohammad Mossadegh) āˇƒāˇ„ āļĸāˇāļ­āˇ’āļš āļ´āˇ™āļģāļ¸āˇ”āļĢ⎚ āļąāˇāļēāļšāļ­āˇŠāˇ€āļē⎙āļąāˇŠ āļē⎔āļ­āˇŠ āļ¸āˇ™āļ¸ āˇ€āˇŠâ€āļēāˇāļ´āˇāļģāļē āļ­āˇ™āļŊ⎊ āļšāļģ⎊āļ¸āˇāļąāˇŠāļ­āļē āļĸāļąāˇƒāļ­āˇ” āļšāˇ’āļģ⎓āļ¸āļ§, āļ‰āļŠāļ¸āˇŠ āļąāˇāˇ€āļ­ āļļ⎙āļ¯āˇ ⎄⎐āļģ⎓āļ¸āļ§ āˇƒāˇ„ āļģāˇāļĸāˇāļĢ⎊āļŠāˇ”āˇ€āˇš āļļāļŊāļē āˇƒāˇ“āļ¸āˇ āļšāˇ’āļģ⎓āļ¸āļ§ āļ‹āļ­āˇŠāˇƒāˇāˇ„ āļšāˇ…āˇšāļē. āļ¸āļ°āˇŠâ€āļē⎃⎊āļŽ āļ°āļąāˇšāˇāˇŠāˇ€āļģ āļĸāˇāļ­āˇ’āļšāˇ€āˇāļ¯āˇ’āļē⎙āļšāˇ” ⎀⎖ āļ¸āˇœāˇƒāˇāļŠāˇ™āļœāˇŠ, āļ‘āļšāˇŠāˇƒāļ­āˇŠ āļĸāļąāļ´āļ¯āļē ⎀⎙āļ­ āļ†āļ¸āļąāˇŠāļ­āˇŠâ€āļģāļĢāļē āļšāļģāļ¸āˇ’āļąāˇŠ āˇƒāˇ„ āļ¸āˇ„āļĸāļą āˇ€āˇŠâ€āļēāˇāļ´āˇāļģāļē⎚ āļšāˇœāļ§āˇƒāˇŠ ⎀āļŊāļ§ āļ‘āļģ⎙⎄⎒⎀ ⎄āļ¸āˇ”āļ¯āˇāˇ€ āļē⎙āļ¯āˇ€āˇ“āļ¸ āļ¸āļœāˇ’āļąāˇŠ āļ­āˇ”āļŊ⎒āļ­āļ­āˇāˇ€āļēāļšāˇŠ āļ‡āļ­āˇ’ āļšāļģ āļœāˇāļąāˇ“āļ¸āļ§ āļ‹āļ­āˇŠāˇƒāˇāˇ„ āļšāˇ… āļąāļ¸āˇ”āļ­āˇŠ āļ”⎄⎔āļœāˇš āļ…āļģ⎊āļ° āļ´āˇ’āļē⎀āļģ āļ´āˇ€āˇ āļļāˇŠâ€āļģ⎒āļ­āˇāļąāˇŠâ€āļēāļē āˇƒāˇ„ āļ‘āļšāˇŠāˇƒāļ­āˇŠ āļĸāļąāļ´āļ¯āļē āļ•āļąāˇ‘⎀āļ§ āˇ€āˇāļŠāˇ’ ⎃⎚ ⎃āļŊāļšāļąāˇ” āļŊ⎐āļļ⎓āļē.

1953 āļ¯āˇ“, āˇƒāˇ“āļ…āļē⎒āļ’ āˇƒāˇ„ āļļāˇŠâ€āļģ⎒āļ­āˇāļąāˇŠâ€āļē āļļ⎔āļ¯āˇŠāļ°āˇ’ āļ…āļ‚⎁ “āļ”āļ´āļģāˇšāˇ‚āļąāˇŠ āļ‡āļĸ⎐āļšāˇŠāˇƒāˇŠ” āļšāˇ”āļ¸āļąāˇŠāļ­āˇŠâ€āļģāļĢāļē āļ¯āˇ’āļēāļ­āˇŠ āļšāˇ… āļ…āļ­āļģ āļ‘āļē āļ¸āˇœāˇƒāˇāļŠāˇ™āļœāˇŠ āļļāļŊāļē⎙āļąāˇŠ āļ´āˇ„ āļšāļģ āˇ‚āˇ āļąāˇāˇ€āļ­ āˇƒāˇŠāļŽāˇāļ´āļąāļē āļšāļģāļą āļŊāļ¯āˇ“. āļĸ⎙āļąāļģāˇāļŊāˇŠāˇ€āļģ⎔āļąāˇŠ āļ¸āˇ’āļŊ āļ¯āˇ“ āļœāˇāļąāˇ“āļ¸āļ§ āˇƒāˇ„ āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāļ āļĢ⎊āļŠ āļ¸āˇāļģāļēāļąāˇŠ āļļāļŊāļ¸āˇ”āļŊ⎔ āļœāˇāļąāˇŠāˇ€āˇ“āļ¸ āˇƒāļŗāˇ„āˇ āļ‰āļģāˇāļąāļēāļ§ āļ¸āˇ”āļ¯āļŊ⎊ āļ´āˇ’āļēāˇāˇƒāļģ āļšāļģ⎀āļą āļŊāļ¯āˇ“. āļē⎔āļ° āļ§āˇāļ‚āļšāˇ’ āļ§āˇ™āˇ„⎙āļģāˇāļąāļēāļ§ āļ°āˇāˇ€āļąāļē āļšāˇ™āļģ⎔āļĢ⎒. āļ‰āļąāˇŠāļ´āˇƒāˇ”⎀ āˇƒāˇ’āļ¯āˇ”⎀⎖āļē⎚ āļ¸āˇŠāļŊ⎚āļ āˇŠāļĄ āļ¸āļģ⎊āļ¯āļąāļē ⎄āļģāˇ„āˇ āļļāļŊāˇāļ­āˇŠāļ¸āļš āļšāļģāļą āļŊāļ¯ āļ¸āˇœāˇ„āˇœāļ¸āļŠāˇŠ āļģāˇšāˇƒāˇ āļ´āˇāļŊ⎀⎒ (Mohammad Reza Pahlavi) āļēāļ§āļ­āˇš āļ¯āˇāļš āļ¯āˇ™āļšāļš āļ’āļšāˇāļ°āˇ’āļ´āļ­āˇ’ āļ´āˇāļŊāļąāļēāļšāˇ’. āļ¯āˇƒ āļ¯āˇ„āˇƒāˇŠ āļœāļąāļąāļšāˇŠ āļšāļ¸āˇŠāļšāļģ⎔⎀āļąāˇŠ āˇƒāˇ„ ⎃āļ¸āˇāļĸāˇ€āˇāļ¯āˇ“āļąāˇŠ āˇƒāˇ’āļģāļœāļ­ āļšāļģāļą āļŊāļ¯āˇ“; ⎀āļ°āˇ„⎒āļ‚āˇƒāˇ āļ´āļ¸āˇ”āļĢāˇ”āˇ€āˇ āˇ„āˇ āļ¸āļģāˇ āļ¯āļ¸āļą āļŊāļ¯āˇ“. āļ‰āļģāˇāļąāļē⎚ āļ­āˇ™āļŊ⎊ āļēāļŊ⎒āļ­āˇŠ ⎀āļģāļšāˇŠ BP āļšāˇšāļąāˇŠāļ¯āˇŠâ€āļģ āļšāļģāļœāˇ™āļą āļļāļ§āˇ„⎒āļģ ⎃āļ‚āļœāļ­ āˇ€āˇ™āļ­ āļœāļŊāˇ āļœāˇ’āļē⎚ āļē.

āˇ‚āˇ āļēāļ§āļ­āˇš, āļ‰āļģāˇāļąāļē āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāļ°āˇāļą āļ­āˇ™āļŊ⎊ āļąāˇ’āˇ‚āˇŠāļ´āˇāļ¯āļšāļē⎙āļšāˇ” āļ´āļ¸āļĢāļšāˇŠ āļąāˇœāˇ€ āļ´āˇ”⎅⎔āļŊ⎊ āļē⎔āļģāˇšāˇƒāˇ’āļēāˇāļąāˇ” āˇƒāˇ“āļ¸āˇāˇ€ ⎄āļģāˇ„āˇ āļ‘āļšāˇŠāˇƒāļ­āˇŠ āļĸāļąāļ´āļ¯ āļļāļŊ āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāļšāˇŠāˇ‚āˇšāļ´āļąāļē ⎃āļŗāˇ„āˇ āļ‰āļ¯āˇ’āļģ⎒ āļ¸āˇ™āˇ„⎙āļē⎔āļ¸āˇŠ āļšāļŗāˇ€āˇ”āļģāļšāˇŠāļ¯ āˇ€āˇ’āļē. 1953 āļšāˇ”āļ¸āļąāˇŠāļ­āˇŠâ€āļģāļĢāļē⎙āļąāˇŠ āļ´āˇƒāˇ”⎀, āļ‘āļšāˇŠāˇƒāļ­āˇŠ āļĸāļąāļ´āļ¯āļē āļ‰āļģāˇāļąāļē⎚ āļ¸āˇ’āļŊ⎒āļ§āļģ⎒ āˇƒāˇ„ āļ”āļ­āˇŠāļ­āˇ” āˇƒāˇšāˇ€āˇ āļąāˇ€āˇ“āļšāļģāļĢāļē āļšāˇ’āļģ⎓āļ¸āļ§ āļ‹āļ¯āˇ€āˇŠ āļšāˇ… āļ…āļ­āļģ āļ¸āˇ’āˇƒāļē⎒āļŊ āļ´āļģ⎓āļšāˇŠāˇ‚āļĢ āˇƒāˇ„ āļ¸āˇ’āļŊ⎒āļ§āļģ⎒ ⎃āļąāˇŠāļąāˇ’āˇ€āˇšāļ¯āļąāļēāļąāˇŠ āļąāˇ’āļģ⎓āļšāˇŠāˇ‚āļĢāļē āļšāˇ’āļģ⎓āļ¸ āˇƒāļŗāˇ„āˇ āļˇāˇāˇ€āˇ’āļ­āˇ āļšāļģāļą āļŊāļ¯ āˇƒāˇāˇ€āˇ’āļēāļ§āˇŠ āļ¯āˇšāˇāˇƒāˇ“āļ¸āˇ āļ…āˇƒāļŊ āļ­āˇ“āļģāļĢāˇāļ­āˇŠāļ¸āļš āˇƒāļ‚āļĨāˇ āļļ⎔āļ¯āˇŠāļ°āˇ’ āļ¸āļ°āˇŠâ€āļē⎃⎊āļŽāˇāļąāļēāļšāˇŠ āļ‡āļ­āˇ”⎅⎔⎀ āļąāˇ’āļģ⎓āļšāˇŠāˇ‚āļĢ āļ´āˇ„āˇƒāˇ”āļšāļ¸āˇŠ āļĸāˇāļŊāļēāļšāļ§ āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāˇ€āˇšāˇāļē āļŊāļļāˇ āļœāļ­āˇŠāļ­āˇšāļē. āļ¸āˇ™āļ¸ āļ¸āˇ”āļģāļ´āˇœāļŊ⎀āļŊ⎊ āļ‘āļšāˇŠāˇƒāļ­āˇŠ āļĸāļąāļ´āļ¯āļēāļ§ āˇƒāˇāˇ€āˇ’āļēāļ§āˇŠ āļ¯āˇšāˇāļē āļ­āˇ”āļŊāļ§ āļœāˇāļšāˇ”āļģ⎒āļąāˇŠ āļ‘āļļ⎓ āļļ⎐āļŊ⎓āļ¸āļ§ āļ‰āļŠ āˇƒāļŊāˇƒāˇ āļ¯āˇ”āļąāˇŠ āļ…āļ­āļģ āļ¸āˇāļ¯ āļ´āˇ™āļģāļ¯āˇ’āļœ, āļšāˇœāļšāˇšāˇƒāˇƒāˇŠ āˇƒāˇ„ āļ¸āļ°āˇŠâ€āļēāļ¸ āļ†āˇƒāˇ’āļēāˇāˇ€ āļ´āˇ”āļģāˇ āļšāˇœāļ¸āˇ’āļē⎔āļąāˇ’āˇƒāˇŠāļ§āˇŠ āļļāļŊāļ´āˇ‘āļ¸āļ§ āļ‘āļģ⎙⎄⎒⎀ āļ´āˇ€āˇ”āļģāļšāˇŠ āļŊāˇ™āˇƒ āļ‰āļģāˇāļąāļē ⎃⎊āļŽāˇāļąāļœāļ­ āļšāˇ’āļģ⎓āļ¸āļ§ āļ‹āļ¯āˇ€āˇŠ ⎀⎒āļē.

āˇ‚āˇ āļļāļŊāļē⎙āļąāˇŠ āļ´āˇ„ āļšāļģ āļ…āļēāļ­āˇ”āļŊ⎊āļŊāˇ āļļāļŊāļēāļ§ āļ´āļ­āˇŠ āļšāļģāļą 1979 āļ‰āˇƒāˇŠāļŊāˇāļ¸āˇ“āļē ⎀⎒āļ´āˇŠāļŊ⎀āļē⎙āļąāˇŠ āļ´āˇƒāˇ”⎀, āļ‰āļģāˇāļšāļē  āˇ€āˇŠâ€āļēāļ‚āļœ āļ‘āļšāˇŠāˇƒāļ­āˇŠ āļĸāļąāļ´āļ¯ āļ…āļąāˇ”āļ¸āˇāļ­āˇ’āļē āļ‡āļ­āˇ’⎀ āļ‰āļģāˇāļąāļē āļ†āļšāˇŠâ€āļģāļ¸āļĢāļē āļšāˇ…āˇšāļē. 1982 āˇƒāˇ’āļ§ āļģ⎚āļœāļąāˇŠ āļ´āļģ⎒āļ´āˇāļŊāļąāļē, āļšāˇ”āļģ⎒āļģ⎔ āļ…āļ§ āˇ€āˇƒāļģāļš āļē⎔āļ¯āˇŠāļ°āļē āļ´āˇ”āļģāˇ ⎃āļ¯āˇāļ¸āˇŠ āˇ„āˇ”āˇƒāˇšāļąāˇŠāļ§ āļ†āļē⎔āļ°, āļļ⎔āļ¯āˇŠāļ°āˇ’ āˇƒāˇ„ āļ¯āˇšāˇāļ´āˇāļŊāļą āˇƒāˇ„āļēāˇāļœāļē āļŊāļļāˇ āļ¯āˇ”āļąāˇŠāļąāˇšāļē.

1990 āļœāļąāļąāˇŠāˇ€āļŊ āˇƒāˇ’āļ§, āļ‰āļģāˇāļąāļē⎚ āļ†āļģ⎊āļŽāˇ’āļšāļē ⎀⎒āļąāˇāˇ āļšāļģ āļ¸āˇ„āˇ āļ´āļģ⎒āļ¸āˇāļĢ āļ¯āˇ”āļœāˇ“āļšāļģāļąāļē⎚ āļœāˇ’āļŊ⎓ āļēāˇāļ¸āļ§ āˇ„āˇšāļ­āˇ” ⎀⎖ āļ…āļļāļŊ āļšāļģāļą āˇƒāļ¸āˇŠāļļāˇāļ°āļš āļ´āļąāˇ€āļą āļ…āļ­āļģāļ¸ āļ´āˇ’āļ§āˇ”⎀⎄āļŊ⎊ āļšāļģāļą āļŊāļ¯ āļģāˇāļĸāˇāļĢ⎊āļŠāˇ”āˇ€āˇāļ¯āˇ“āļąāˇŠāļ§ āˇƒāˇ„ ⎀⎒āļģ⎔āļ¯āˇŠāļ° āļšāļĢ⎊āļŠāˇāļēāļ¸āˇŠāˇ€āļŊāļ§ āļ…āļģāļ¸āˇ”āļ¯āļŊ⎊ ⎃⎐āļ´āļē⎓āļ¸āļ§ āļ‘āļšāˇŠāˇƒāļ­āˇŠ āļĸāļąāļ´āļ¯āļē āļļ⎒āļŊ⎒āļēāļą āļœāļĢāļąāˇŠ ⎀⎒āļēāļ¯āļ¸āˇŠ āļšāļģ āļ‡āļ­. āļ¸āˇ™āļ¸ āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāļ­āˇ’āļ´āļ­āˇŠāļ­āˇ’ āļ´āˇāļŊāļą āļ­āļąāˇŠāļ­āˇŠâ€āļģāļē āļļ⎒āļŗ āˇ„āˇ™āļŊ⎓āļ¸āļ§ āļ…āļ´āˇœāˇ„āˇœāˇƒāļ­āˇŠ ⎀⎓ āļ‡āļ­āˇ’ āļąāļ¸āˇ”āļ­āˇŠ āļ’āˇ€āˇ āļ…āļ­āˇ’āˇ€āˇ’āˇāˇāļŊ āļ¯āˇ”āļšāˇŠ āˇ€āˇšāļ¯āļąāˇ āļĸāļąāļąāļē āļšāˇ’āļģ⎓āļ¸āļ§ āˇƒāļ¸āļ­āˇŠ ⎀⎓ āļ‡āļ­.

āļąāļœāļģ 85 āļšāˇŠ āļ¯āļšāˇŠāˇ€āˇ āˇ€āˇŠâ€āļēāˇāļ´āˇŠāļ­ āˇ€āˇ– āˇ€āˇ’āˇāˇāļŊ ⎀⎒āļģāˇāļ°āļ­āˇ 2017 āļ‡āļ­āˇ’ ⎀⎒āļē. āļ¸āˇ™āļ¸ āļ´āˇ™āļŊāļ´āˇāļŊ⎒ āļ‘āļšāˇŠāˇƒāļ­āˇŠ āļĸāļąāļ´āļ¯āļē āˇ€āˇ’āˇƒāˇ’āļąāˇŠ āļ´āˇāļŊāļąāļē āļąāˇœāļšāˇ… āļąāļ¸āˇ”āļ­āˇŠ āļ°āļąāˇšāˇāˇŠāˇ€āļģ āļĸāˇāļ­āˇ’āļšāˇ€āˇāļ¯āˇ“ āļ‰āˇƒāˇŠāļŊāˇāļ¸āˇ“āļē ⎃āļ¸āˇ–āˇ„āˇāļĢ⎊āļŠāˇ”⎀ āˇƒāˇ„ āļģāļ§ āļ¸āļ­ āļ­āļļāˇ āļ‡āļ­āˇ’ āļ…āļ°āˇ’āļģāˇāļĸāˇŠâ€āļēāˇ€āˇāļ¯āˇ“ āļœāˇ™āļŊ āˇƒāˇ’āļģ āļšāˇ’āļģ⎓āļ¸āļ§ āļēāļą āļ¯āˇ™āļšāļ§āļ¸ āļ‘āļģ⎙⎄⎒ āļ´āˇ”āļŊ⎔āļŊāˇŠāˇ€ āļ´āˇāļ­āˇ’āļģ⎔āļąāˇ” ⎀⎛āļģāļē āļ´āˇ’āļŊ⎒āļļ⎒āļšāˇ” āļšāļŊ⎚āļē.

āļ‰āļģāˇāļąāļē⎚ āļ­āˇ™āļŊ⎊ āˇƒāˇ„ āļ āˇ“āļą āˇƒāļ‚⎀āļģ⎊āļ°āļąāļē⎚ āļ‘⎄⎒ āļˇāˇ–āļ¸āˇ’āļšāˇāˇ€

āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāļ­āˇŠâ€āļēāļšāˇŠāˇ‚ āļšāļģ āļ‡āļ­āˇ’ āļ­āˇ™āļŊ⎊ ⎃āļ‚āļ āˇ’āļ­ āļļ⎐āļģāļŊ⎊ āļļ⎒āļŊ⎒āļēāļą 150āļšāļ§ āˇ€āļŠāˇ āˇƒāˇ„āˇ’āļ­ āļ‰āļģāˇāļąāļē āļœāˇāļŊ⎓āļē ⎀⎁āļē⎙āļąāˇŠ āˇƒāˇ’āˇ€āˇŠāˇ€āļą āˇ€āˇ’āˇāˇāļŊāļ­āļ¸ āˇƒāļ‚āļ āˇ’āļ­ āˇ„āˇ’āļ¸āˇ’āļēāˇ āˇ€āˇš. āļģāˇ”āˇƒāˇ’āļēāˇāˇ€āļ§ āļ´āˇƒāˇ” āļ¯āˇ™āˇ€āļą āˇ€āˇ’āˇāˇāļŊāļ­āļ¸ āˇƒāˇŠāˇ€āˇāļˇāˇāˇ€āˇ’āļš āˇ€āˇāļē⎔ ⎃āļ‚āļ āˇ’āļ­āļē āļ¯ āļ‘āļē ⎃āļ­āˇ”āļē. āļŊāˇāļš āļąāˇ’āˇ‚āˇŠāļ´āˇāļ¯āļąāļē⎙āļąāˇŠ āˇƒāˇ’āļēāļēāļ§ 3 āļšāˇŠ āļ´āļ¸āļĢ āˇ€āļą āļ¯āˇ’āļąāļšāļ§ āļļ⎐āļģāļŊ⎊ āļ¸āˇ’āļŊ⎒āļēāļą 3 āļšāˇŠ āļ´āļ¸āļĢ āˇ€āļąāˇŠāļąāˇ ⎀⎖ āļ‘⎄⎒ āļ­āˇ™āļŊ⎊ āļąāˇ’āˇ‚āˇŠāļ´āˇāļ¯āļąāļē, ⎀⎒āļˇāˇ€āļēāļ§ āˇ€āļŠāˇ āļļ⎙⎄⎙⎀⎒āļąāˇŠ āļ…āļŠāˇ” āļē. āļ‘⎄⎒ āļ­āˇ™āļŊ⎊ āļąāˇ’āˇ‚āˇŠāļ´āˇāļ¯āļąāļē⎚ ⎃⎐āļŊāļšāˇ’āļē āļē⎔āļ­āˇ” ⎀⎐āļŠāˇ’ ⎀⎓āļ¸āļšāˇŠ āļ‡āļ­āˇ’ āļšāļŊ ⎄⎐āļšāˇ’ āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāˇāļœāˇŠāļ°āļąāļē, āļ­āˇāļšāˇŠāˇ‚āļĢ⎒āļš āˇ€āˇ’āˇāˇšāˇ‚āļĨāļ­āˇāˇ€ āˇƒāˇ„ ⎀⎒āļ¯āˇšāˇāˇ“āļē ⎄⎀⎔āļŊ⎊āļšāˇāļģ⎒āļ­āˇŠāˇ€āļē ⎃āļ¸āˇŠāļļāˇāļ°āļš āˇ€āˇ’āˇƒāˇ’āļąāˇŠ  āļ‰āļģāˇāļąāļēāļ§ āļ…⎄⎒āļ¸āˇ’ āļšāļģ āļ‡āļ­āˇŠāļ­āˇšāļē.

⎃āļ¸āˇŠāļļāˇāļ°āļš āˇƒāˇ„ āļ…āļąāˇ™āļšāˇ”āļ­āˇŠ āļļāˇāļ°āļš āļ­āˇ’āļļ⎒āļēāļ¯āˇ“āļ­āˇŠ, āļ‰āļģāˇāļąāļē⎚ āļ­āˇ™āļŊ⎊ āļ…āļ´āļąāļēāļąāļē āļ­āˇ“āļģāļąāˇāļ­āˇŠāļ¸āļš āļœāˇāļąāˇ”āļ¸āˇŠāļšāļģ⎔⎀⎙āļšāˇ” ⎃⎜āļēāˇāļœāˇ™āļą āļ‡āļ­: āļ’ āļ āˇ“āļąāļē āļē⎒.

āļļāˇœāˇ„āˇ āļ¯āˇ”āļģāļ§ āļ…⎀⎒āļ°āˇ’āļ¸āļ­āˇŠ āˇ„āˇ āļ…āļģ⎊āļ° āļģāˇ„āˇƒāˇ’āļœāļ­ āļ¸āˇāļģ⎊āļœ āˇ„āļģāˇ„āˇ ⎃⎚ā āļļāˇœāˇ„āˇ ⎀⎒āļ§ āˇ€āļ§āˇŠāļ§āļ¸āˇŠ āļēāļ§āļ­āˇš,  āļ…āļ¯ āļ āˇ“āļąāļē āļ‰āļģāˇāļąāļē⎚ āļ­āˇ™āļŊāˇŠāˇ€āļŊ⎒āļąāˇŠ āˇƒāˇ’āļēāļēāļ§ 90āļšāˇŠ āļ´āļ¸āļĢ āļ¸āˇ’āļŊāļ¯āˇ“ āļœāļąāˇ“. āļ¸āˇ™āļ¸ [āļ­āˇ™āļŊ⎊] āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāˇ€āˇāˇ„āļēāļąāˇŠ āļļāļ§āˇ„⎒āļģ āļ…āļ°āˇ“āļšāˇŠâ€āˇ‚āļĢāļē āˇƒāˇ„ ⎃āļ¸āˇŠāļļāˇāļ°āļš āļ¸āļœ āˇ„āļģ⎒āļ¸āˇ’āļąāˇŠ, āļģāļ§āˇ€āļŊ⎊ āļ¯āˇ™āļšāˇ™āˇ„⎒āļ¸ āļ¸āˇ–āļŊāˇāļ´āˇāļē⎒āļš āˇ„āˇ€āˇ”āļŊ⎊āļšāˇāļģ⎒āļ­āˇŠāˇ€āļēāļ§ āļ‰āļąāˇŠāļ°āļą āˇƒāļ´āļēāļą āļ…āļ­āļģ āļ‰āļģāˇāļąāļē⎚ āļ†āļģ⎊āļŽāˇ’āļšāļē āļœāˇ™āļŊ āˇƒāˇ’āļģ āļšāˇ’āļģ⎓āļ¸āˇš āļ‘āļšāˇŠāˇƒāļ­āˇŠ āļĸāļąāļ´āļ¯ āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāļēāļ­āˇŠāļąāļēāļąāˇŠāļ§ āļļāˇāļ°āˇ āļšāļģāļē⎒.

āļ āˇ“āļąāļē ⎃āļŗāˇ„āˇ, āļ¸āˇ™āļ¸ āˇƒāļ¸āˇŠāļļāļąāˇŠāļ°āļ­āˇāˇ€āļē āļ‰āļ­āˇ ⎀⎐āļ¯āļœāļ­āˇŠ āˇ€āˇš. āļ‘āļē āļ¯āˇ’āļąāļšāļ§ āļ­āˇ™āļŊ⎊ āļļ⎐āļģāļŊ⎊ āļ¸āˇ’āļŊ⎒āļēāļą 11 āļšāļ§ āˇ€āļŠāˇ āļ†āļąāļēāļąāļē āļšāļģāļē⎒; āļ‘āļē āļŊāˇāļšāļē⎚ āļ•āļąāˇ‘āļ¸ āļģāļ§āļšāļ§ āˇ€āļŠāˇ ⎀⎐āļŠāˇ’ āļē. āļļ⎓āļĸ⎒āļ‚ āļ´āˇ”āļąāļģ⎊āļĸāļąāļąāˇ“āļē āļļāļŊ⎁āļšāˇŠāļ­āˇ’āļē āˇ€āˇšāļœāļē⎙āļąāˇŠ āˇ€āˇŠâ€āļēāˇāļ´āˇŠāļ­ āļšāļģāļ¸āˇ’āļąāˇŠ āˇƒāˇ’āļ§āˇ’, āļ‘⎄⎒ āļšāˇāļģ⎊āļ¸āˇ’āļš āļ´āļ¯āļąāļ¸ āˇƒāˇ„ āļ›āļąāˇ’āļĸ āļģāˇƒāˇāļēāļą (petrochemical) āļ…āļ‚⎁āļē āļ­āˇ€āļ¸āļ­āˇŠ āļļ⎜āļģāļ­āˇ™āļŊ⎊ āļ¸āļ­ āļ¯āˇāļŠāˇ’ āļŊāˇ™āˇƒ āļģāļŗāˇ āļ´āˇ€āļ­āˇ“. āļ¯āˇāļąāļ§   āļ āˇ“āļą āļ­āˇ™āļŊ⎊ āļ†āļąāļēāļąāļē⎙āļąāˇŠ āļ¯āˇ… ⎀⎁āļē⎙āļąāˇŠ āˇƒāˇ’āļēāļēāļ§ 15 āļšāˇŠ āļ‰āļģāˇāļąāļē ⎃āļ­āˇ” āˇ€āˇš. 

āļ´āļģāˇŠāˇƒāˇ’āļēāˇāļąāˇ” āļļ⎜āļšāˇŠāļš āˇƒāˇ„ āˇ„āˇāļ¸āˇ”āˇƒāˇŠ ⎃āļ¸āˇ”āļ¯āˇŠâ€āļģ ⎃āļąāˇŠāļ°āˇ’āļē

āļąāļ¸āˇ”āļ­āˇŠ āļ‰āļģāˇāļąāļē⎚ ⎀⎐āļ¯āļœāļ­āˇŠāļšāļ¸ āļ­āˇ™āļŊ⎊ āļąāˇ’āˇ‚āˇŠāļ´āˇāļ¯āļąāļē⎙āļąāˇŠ āļ”āļļ⎊āļļāļ§ āļēāļē⎒. āļ‰āļģāˇāļąāļēāļ§ āļŊāˇāļšāļē⎚ ⎀āļŠāˇāļ­āˇŠāļ¸ āļ­āˇ“āļģāļĢāˇāļ­āˇŠāļ¸āļš āļ­āˇ™āļŊ⎊ āļ‡āˇ€āˇ”āļģ⎔āļ¸āˇŠ āļŊāļšāˇŠāˇ‚āļē  āˇ€āļą āˇ„āˇāļ¸āˇ”āˇƒāˇŠ ⎃āļ¸āˇ”āļ¯āˇŠâ€āļģ ⎃āļąāˇŠāļ°āˇ’āļē āļ¸āļ­ āļ¸āˇ”⎅⎔āļ¸āļąāˇ’āļąāˇŠāļ¸ āļ´āˇāˇ„āˇš ⎀āļą āļ´āˇāļŊāļąāļēāļšāˇŠ āļ‡āļ­. āļ¸āˇ”⎄⎔āļ¯āˇ” āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāˇ€āˇāˇ„āļą āļ­āˇ™āļŊāˇŠāˇ€āļŊ⎒āļąāˇŠ āˇƒāˇ’āļēāļēāļ§ 20āļšāļ§ āˇ€āˇāļŠāˇ’ āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāļ¸āˇāļĢāļēāļšāˇŠ āļ¸āˇ™āļ¸ āļ´āļ§āˇ” āļ¸āˇāļģ⎊āļœāļē ⎄āļģāˇ„āˇ āļœāļ¸āļąāˇŠ āļšāļģāļē⎒. āļ‘āļšāˇŠāˇƒāļ­āˇŠ āļĸāļąāļ´āļ¯ āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāˇ„āˇāļģ⎀āļŊāļ§ āļ´āˇ…⎒āļœāˇāļąāˇ“āļ¸āļšāˇŠ āļŊāˇ™āˇƒ āļ‰āļģāˇāļąāļē ⎃āļ¸āˇ”āļ¯āˇŠâ€āļģ ⎃āļąāˇŠāļ°āˇ’āļē āˇ€āˇƒāˇ āļ¯āļ¸āļą āļļ⎀āļ§ āļ­āļģ⎊āļĸāļąāļē āļšāļģ āļ­āˇ’āļļ⎒āļēāļ¯āˇ“, āļ‰āļģāˇāļąāļē ⎃āļ¸āˇ”āļ¯āˇŠâ€āļģ ⎃āļąāˇŠāļ°āˇ’āļē āˇ€āˇƒāˇ āļąāˇœāļ¯āļ¸āļąāˇ” āļ‡āļ­āˇāļē⎒ ⎀⎙⎅⎙āļąāˇŠāļ¯āˇ āļšāˇāļ§ āļ­āˇāļļ⎒āļ¸ āļąāˇ’āˇƒāˇ, āļ¸āˇ™āļ¸ āļŊ⎒āļ´āˇ’āļē āļŊ⎒āļēāļą āļ…āˇ€āˇƒāˇŠāļŽāˇāˇ€ ⎀āļą āˇ€āˇ’āļ§ āļ­āˇ™āļŊ⎊ ⎀⎙āļŊāļŗāļ´āˇœāļŊ⎀āļŊ⎊ āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāļ­āˇ’⎁āļ­ āļŊāļšāˇŠāˇ‚āˇŠâ€āļēāļē  āļšāˇ’⎄⎒āļ´āļēāļšāˇ’āļąāˇŠ āļ´āˇ„āļ­ āˇ€āˇāļ§āˇ“ āļ‡āļ­.

āļ‰āļģāˇāļąāļē āļŠāļąāˇ’āļēāˇ “āļ­āˇ™āļŊ⎊ āļ…⎀⎒āļē” āļˇāˇāˇ€āˇ’āļ­āˇ āļšāˇ’āļģ⎓āļ¸āļ§ āļ…āļšāļ¸āˇāļ­āˇ’ ⎀⎓āļ¸āļ§ āļ‘āļšāˇŠ āˇ„āˇšāļ­āˇ”⎀āļšāˇŠ āļąāļ¸āˇŠ, āˇ„āˇāļ¸āˇ”āˇƒāˇŠ ⎃āļ¸āˇ”āļ¯āˇŠâ€āļģ ⎃āļąāˇŠāļ°āˇ’āļē⎙āļąāˇŠ āļœāļŊāˇ āļēāļą āļ­āˇ™āļŊāˇŠāˇ€āļŊ⎒āļąāˇŠ āļļ⎄⎔āļ­āļģāļē āļ¯āˇāļąāˇŠ āļąāˇāļœāˇ™āļąāˇ„⎒āļģ āļ¯āˇ™āˇƒāļ§, āļ‘āļąāļ¸āˇŠ āļ¯āˇ™āˇƒāļ§ āļœāļ¸āļąāˇŠ āļšāˇ’āļģ⎓āļ¸ āļē. āˇƒāˇžāļ¯āˇ’ āļ…āļģāˇāļļ⎒āļē, āļšāļ§āˇāļģ⎊, āļšāˇ”āˇ€āˇšāļ§āˇŠ āˇƒāˇ„ āļ‘āļšāˇŠāˇƒāļ­āˇŠ āļ…āļģāˇāļļ⎒ āļ‘āļ¸āˇ“āļģ⎊ āļģāˇāļĸāˇŠâ€āļēāļē āļ āˇ“āļąāļēāļ§ āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāļ°āˇāļą āˇƒāˇāļ´āļē⎔āļ¸āˇŠāļšāļģ⎔⎀āļąāˇŠ āˇ€āˇš. āļ‰āļģāˇāļąāļē ⎃āļ¸āˇ”āļ¯āˇŠâ€āļģ ⎃āļąāˇŠāļ°āˇ’āļē āˇ€āˇƒāˇ āļ¯āˇāļ¸āˇ”āˇ€āˇ„āˇœāļ­āˇŠ, āļ‘āļē āļ¸āˇ™āļ¸ āļœāļŊāˇŠāˇ†āˇŠ āļģāˇāļĸāˇŠâ€āļēāļēāļąāˇŠ ⎃āļ¸āļŸ āļ‡āļ­āˇ’ ⎃āļļāļŗāļ­āˇ āļ´āˇ…⎔āļ¯āˇ” āļšāļģāļą āļ…āļ­āļģ, ⎀āļŠāˇāļ­āˇŠ āļļāļģāļ´āļ­āļŊ āļšāļģ⎔āļą āļŊāˇ™āˇƒ, āļ‘⎄⎒ āˇ€āˇ’āˇāˇāļŊāļ­āļ¸ āˇ€āˇ™āˇ…āļŗ āˇ„āˇ€āˇ”āļŊ⎊āļšāļģ⎔ ⎀āļą āļ āˇ“āļąāļēāļ§ āˇ„āˇāļąāˇ’ āļšāļģāļē⎒.

āļ‘āļšāˇŠāˇƒāļ­āˇŠ āļĸāļąāļ´āļ¯ āļ‹āļ´āˇāļēāļ¸āˇāļģ⎊āļœāˇ’āļš āˇƒāˇāļŊāˇƒāˇ”āļ¸āˇŠāļšāļģ⎔⎀āļąāˇŠ āļ¸āˇ™āļ¸ āļœāļ­āˇ’āļšāļē āˇ„āˇœāļŗāˇ’āļąāˇŠ ⎀āļ§āˇ„āˇāļœāˇ™āļą āļ‡āļ­. āļ‰āļ­āˇ’āˇ„āˇāˇƒāļē⎚ āˇ€āˇ’āˇāˇāļŊāļ­āļ¸ āļ­āˇ™āļŊ⎊ āļ‹āļ­āˇŠāļ´āˇāļ­āļē ⎀āļą āļ‡āļ¸āļģ⎒āļšāˇāļąāˇ” ⎄āļē⎒āļŠāˇŠâ€āļģ⎜āļŊ⎒āļšāˇŠ āļ›āļĢ⎊āļŠāļąāļē⎚ (hydraulic fracturing) āļąāˇāļœāˇ“āļ¸, āļģāļ§ āļ­āˇ”⎅ āˇƒāˇāļ´āˇšāļšāˇŠāˇ‚⎀ āļ…āļŠāˇ” āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāļ­āˇ’⎀⎒āļ´āˇāļš āˇƒāˇ„āˇ’āļ­āˇ€ āļ¸āˇāļ¯ āļ´āˇ™āļģāļ¯āˇ’āļœ āˇƒāˇ”āļąāˇ”āˇ€āˇ’āˇƒāˇ”āļąāˇ” āļšāˇ’āļģ⎓āļ¸āļ§ āļ‘āļšāˇŠāˇƒāļ­āˇŠ āļĸāļąāļ´āļ¯āļēāļ§ āļ­āˇāˇ€āļšāˇāļŊ⎒āļšāˇ€ āˇ„āˇ”āˇƒāˇŠāļ¸ āļœāˇāļąāˇ“āļ¸āˇš āļ…⎀āļšāˇāˇāļēāļšāˇŠ āļŊāļļāˇ āļ¯āˇ“ āļ‡āļ­. āļ­āˇ™āļŊ⎊ ⎀⎙āļŊāļŗāļ´āˇœāļŊ⎀āļŊ⎊ āļœāˇāļŊ⎓āļē ⎀āļą āļ…āļ­āļģ āļ¸āˇ’āļŊ āļ‰āˇ„āļŊ āļēāˇāļ¸āļšāˇŠ āļ‘⎀āļ­āˇ”āļ¯āˇ” āļ‘āļšāˇŠāˇƒāļ­āˇŠ āļĸāļąāļ´āļ¯āļēāļ§ āļļāļŊāļ´āˇāļąāˇ” āļ‡āļ­; āļąāļ¸āˇ”āļ­āˇŠ ⎃āļ¸āˇ”āļ¯āˇŠâ€āļģ ⎃āļąāˇŠāļ°āˇ’āļē ⎄āļģāˇ„āˇ āļœāļ¸āļąāˇāļœāļ¸āļąāļēāļ§ āˇƒāˇ’āļ¯āˇ”⎀āļą āļ•āļąāˇ‘āļ¸ āļļāˇāļ°āˇāˇ€āļšāˇŠ ⎀āļŠāˇāļ­āˇŠ ⎃⎘āļĸ⎔⎀ āˇ„āˇ āļšāˇŠāˇ‚āļĢ⎒āļšāˇ€ āļļāļŊāļ´āˇāļąāˇ” āļŊāļļāļąāˇŠāļąāˇš āļ āˇ“āļąāļēāļ§āļē⎒.

āļ āˇ“āļąāļē āļ­āˇ“āļģāļĢāˇāļ­āˇŠāļ¸āļš āļ›āļąāˇ’āļĸ āļ´āˇ’āļģ⎒āļ´āˇ„āļ¯āˇ” āļšāˇ’āļģ⎓āļ¸āˇš āļœāˇāļŊ⎓āļē āļ†āļ°āˇ’āļ´āļ­āˇŠâ€āļēāļē āļ¯āˇāļģ⎔⎀āļ¯, āļ‘āļšāˇŠāˇƒāļ­āˇŠ āļĸāļąāļ´āļ¯āļē āˇƒāˇ„ āļ‘⎄⎒ āļ¸āˇ’āļ­āˇŠâ€āļģ āļģāļ§āˇ€āļŊ⎊ āļ­āˇ€āļ¸āļ­āˇŠ āļœāˇāļŊ⎓āļē āļ­āˇ™āļŊ⎊ āˇ„āˇ āļœāˇ‘āˇƒāˇŠ āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāˇ€āˇāˇ„āļēāļąāˇŠ āļšāˇ™āļģ⎙⎄⎒ ⎀āļŠāˇāļ­āˇŠ āˇ€āˇ’āˇāˇāļŊ āļ´āˇāļŊāļąāļēāļšāˇŠ āļ¯āļģāļē⎒. āļ āˇ“āļąāļē ⎃āļ¸āļœ āļ…āļąāˇāļœāļ­ āļœāˇāļ§āˇ”āļ¸āļšāļ¯āˇ“ āļ­āˇ™āļŊ⎊ āˇ„āˇ āļœāˇ‘āˇƒāˇŠ ⎃āļŗāˇ„āˇ āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāˇ€āˇšāˇāļē āļ­āˇ“āļģāļĢāˇāļ­āˇŠāļ¸āļš āļ´āˇ“āļŠāļą āļŊāļšāˇŠāˇ‚āˇŠâ€āļēāļēāļšāˇŠ āļŊāˇ™āˇƒ āˇƒāˇšāˇ€āļē āļšāļģāļąāˇ” āļ‡āļ­. āˇƒāˇ‘āļ¸ āļ¯āˇ’āļąāļšāļ¸ āļŊāˇœāˇ€ āļ´āˇ”āļģāˇ āļąāˇ’āļ´āļ¯āˇ€āļą āˇƒāˇ‘āļ¸ āļ­āˇ™āļŊ⎊ āļļ⎐āļģāļŊ⎊ āļąāˇ€āļēāļšāˇ’āļąāˇŠ āļ‘āļšāļšāˇŠāļ¸ āļ āˇ“āļąāļēāļ§ āļē⎀āļąāˇ” āļŊ⎐āļļ⎚. āļ‘āļ¸ āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāˇ€āˇāˇ„āļē āļšāļ´āˇ ⎄⎐āļģ⎒āļēāˇ„āˇœāļ­āˇŠ, āļ āˇ“āļąāļē⎚ āļ†āļģ⎊āļŽāˇ’āļšāļēāļ§ āļ‡āļ­āˇ’ ⎀āļą āļļāļŊāļ´āˇ‘āļ¸ āļšāˇŠāˇ‚āļĢ⎒āļš āˇ„āˇ ⎀⎒āļąāˇāˇāļšāˇāļģ⎓ ⎀⎒āļē ⎄⎐āļšāˇ’āļē.

āˇ€āˇ’āˇāˇšāˇ‚āļē⎙āļąāˇŠāļ¸ āļ§āˇŠâ€āļģāļ¸āˇŠāļ´āˇŠ āļ´āļģ⎒āļ´āˇāļŊāļąāļē, āļ‰āļģāˇāļąāļē ⎃āļ¸āˇ“āļšāļģāļĢāļē⎙āļąāˇŠ āļ‰āˇ€āļ­āˇŠ āļšāˇ’āļģ⎓āļ¸āˇšâ€“āļ āˇ“āļąāļē⎚ āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāļ°āˇāļą āˇƒāˇāļ´āļē⎔āļ¸āˇŠāļšāļģ⎔⎀⎙āļšāˇ” āļšāļ´āˇ ⎄⎐āļģ⎓āļ¸āˇš āˇƒāˇ„ āļœāˇāļŊ⎓āļē āļļāļŊ⎁āļšāˇŠāļ­āˇ’ āļ´āļ¯āˇŠāļ°āļ­āˇ’āļē āļ¸āļ­ āļ‘āļšāˇŠāˇƒāļ­āˇŠ āļĸāļąāļ´āļ¯ āļ…āļ°āˇ’āļģāˇāļĸāˇŠâ€āļēāˇ€āˇāļ¯āļē⎚ āļœāˇŠâ€āļģ⎄āļąāļē āļ¯āˇāļŠāˇ’ āļšāˇ’āļģ⎓āļ¸āˇšâ€“āļ…āļ´āˇšāļšāˇŠāˇ‚āˇāˇ€ āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģ⎒āļē āļšāļģāļą āļļ⎀ āļ´āˇ™āļąāˇ™āļąāˇŠāļąāˇš āļ¸āˇš āˇ„āˇšāļ­āˇ”⎀ āļąāˇ’āˇƒāˇ āļē.

āļ‰āļģāˇāļąāļē⎚ ⎀⎐āļ¯āļœāļ­āˇŠāļšāļ¸ āļ…⎀āļļāˇāļ° āļšāļģ āļœāˇāļąāˇ“āļ¸ āˇƒāļŗāˇ„āˇ āļ­āˇ™āļŊ⎊ āļšāˇšāļąāˇŠāļ¯āˇŠâ€āļģ⎓āļē ⎀āļą āļ…āļ­āļģ, āļ‘āļēāļ§ āļŠāļ§ āˇ€āļŠāˇ āļ´āˇ”⎅⎔āļŊ⎊ āļ‹āļ´āˇāļēāļ¸āˇāļģ⎊āļœāˇ’āļš āˇ€āļ§āˇ’āļąāˇāļšāļ¸āļšāˇŠ āļ‡āļ­. āļ¸āˇāļ¯āļ´āˇ™āļģāļ¯āˇ’āļœ, āļšāˇœāļšāˇšāˇƒāˇƒāˇŠ, āļ¸āļ°āˇŠâ€āļēāļ¸ āļ†āˇƒāˇ’āļēāˇāˇ€ āˇƒāˇ„ āļ‰āļąāˇŠāļ¯āˇ’āļēāļąāˇŠ āˇƒāˇāļœāļģāļē āļēāļą āļļ⎄⎔⎀⎒āļ° āļˇāˇ–-āļ¯āˇšāˇāļ´āˇāļŊāļąāˇ’āļš āļ¯āˇāˇ‚ āļģ⎚āļ›āˇāˇ€āļŊ āļąāˇāļˇāˇ’āļē⎚ āļ‰āļģāˇāļąāļē ⎃⎊āļŽāˇāļąāļœāļ­āˇ€  āˇƒāˇ’āļ§āˇ“. āļ‘⎄⎒ āļˇāˇ–āļ¸āˇ’ āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāļ¯āˇšāˇāļē āļ´āļģāˇŠāˇƒāˇ’āļēāˇāļąāˇ” āļœāļŊāˇŠāˇ†āˇŠ āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāļ¯āˇšāˇāļēāļ§ āļ´āļ¸āļĢāļšāˇŠ āļąāˇœāˇ€ āļšāˇāˇƒāˇŠāļ´āˇ’āļēāļąāˇŠ āļ¸āˇ”⎄⎔āļ¯āļ§ āˇƒāˇ„ āļģāˇ”āˇƒāˇ’āļēāˇāˇ€āˇš āļ¯āļšāˇ”āļĢ⎔ āļ´āˇāļ­āˇŠāļ­āļ§ āˇƒāļ¸āˇ“āļ´ āˇ€āˇ“āļ¸āļ§āļ¯ āļ‰āļŠ āˇƒāļŊ⎃āļē⎒.

⎁āļ­āˇ€āļģāˇŠāˇ‚āļēāļšāļ§ āˇ€āˇāļŠāˇ’ āļšāˇāļŊāļēāļšāˇŠ āļ´āˇ”āļģāˇ āļ…āļ°āˇ’āļģāˇāļĸāˇŠâ€āļē āļļāļŊ⎀āļ­āˇ”āļąāˇŠ āļ‰āļģāˇāļąāļē āļ¸āļ­ āļ´āˇāļŊāļąāļē āļē⎔āļģāˇšāˇƒāˇ’āļēāˇāļąāˇ” āļˇāˇ–āļ¸āˇ’ āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāļ¯āˇšāˇāļē ⎄āļģāˇ„āˇ āļ†āļąāˇ”āļˇāˇāˇ€āļē āļ´āˇāˇ€āˇāļ­āˇŠāˇ€āˇ“āļ¸ āˇƒāļŗāˇ„āˇ āļēāļ­āˇ”āļģ āļŊāˇ™āˇƒ ⎃⎐āļŊāļšāˇ–⎄. āļ…āļ¯, āļ‘āļšāˇŠāˇƒāļ­āˇŠ āļĸāļąāļ´āļ¯ āˇƒāˇāļŊāˇƒāˇ”āļ¸āˇŠāļšāļģ⎔⎀āļąāˇŠ āļ‰āļģāˇāļąāļē āļ¯āļšāˇ’āļąāˇŠāļąāˇš āļ āˇ“āļąāļē⎚ āļļāļŊ⎁āļšāˇŠāļ­āˇ’ āˇƒāˇ”āļģāļšāˇŠāˇ‚⎒āļ­āļ­āˇāˇ€āļē⎚ āļ­āˇ“āļģāļąāˇāļ­āˇŠāļ¸āļš āˇƒāļąāˇŠāļ°āˇ’āļēāļšāˇŠ āļŊāˇ™āˇƒ āļ´āļ¸āļĢāļšāˇŠ āļąāˇœāˇ€, āļ āˇ“āļąāļē, āļģāˇ”āˇƒāˇ’āļēāˇāˇ€ āˇƒāˇ„ āļ”⎀⎔āļąāˇŠāļœāˇš āļ…āˇƒāļŊāˇŠāˇ€āˇāˇƒāˇ’āļēāļąāˇŠ āļ…āļ­āļģ āļšāļŊāˇāļ´āˇ“āļē āļ’āļšāˇāļļāļ¯āˇŠāļ°āļ­āˇāˇ€āļē āļšāļŠāˇāļšāļ´āˇŠāļ´āļŊ⎊ āļšāˇ’āļģ⎓āļ¸āˇš ⎀⎒āļˇāˇ€ āļŊ⎓⎀āļģāļēāļšāˇŠ āļŊāˇ™āˇƒ āļē. āļ‘āļšāˇŠāˇƒāļ­āˇŠ āļĸāļąāļ´āļ¯ āļ‰āļ¯āˇ’āļģ⎒āļ¯āļģ⎊⎁āļąāļē⎙āļąāˇŠ (āļļāļŊāļą āļšāļŊ), āļ‰āļģāˇāļąāļē āļ…āļŠāļ´āļĢ āļšāˇ’āļģ⎓āļ¸, āļąāˇāļœāˇ™āļąāˇ„⎒āļģ āˇƒāˇ„ āļļāļ§āˇ„⎒āļģ āļ†āˇƒāˇ’āļēāˇāˇ€ āļ´āˇ”āļģāˇ āļ‡āļ¸āļģ⎒āļšāˇāļąāˇ” āļ†āļ°āˇ’āļ´āļ­āˇŠâ€āļēāļēāļ§ āˇ€āˇ…āļšāˇāļ´āˇ“āļ¸āļ§ āļ­āļģ⎊āļĸāļąāļē āļšāļģāļą āˇƒāļļāļ¯āļ­āˇāˇ€āļē⎚ ⎃āļ¸āˇƒāˇŠāļ­ āļ…āļšāˇŠāˇ‚āļē āļ¯āˇ”āļģāˇŠāˇ€āļŊ āļšāˇ’āļģ⎓āļ¸āļšāˇ’.

āļ‰āļģāˇāļąāļē⎚ āļšāļŊāˇāļ´āˇ“āļē ⎃āļąāˇŠāļ°āˇāļą āļ‘⎄⎒ āļ¸āˇ–āļŊāˇāļ´āˇāļē⎒āļš āļļāļģ āļ­āˇ€āļ¯āˇ”āļģāļ§āļ­āˇŠ ⎁āļšāˇŠāļ­āˇ’āļ¸āļ­āˇŠ āļšāļģāļē⎒. āļŊ⎙āļļāļąāļąāļē⎚ āˇ„āˇ’āˇƒāˇŠāļļ⎔āļŊ⎊āļŊāˇ āˇƒāˇ„ āļē⎚āļ¸āļąāļē⎚ ⎄⎖āļ­āˇ’ āˇ€āˇŠâ€āļēāˇāļ´āˇāļģāļē ⎄āļģāˇ„āˇ āļ‰āļģāˇāļąāļē āļœāˇāļŊ⎓āļē āļ­āˇ™āļŊ⎊ āļœāļŊāˇāļēāˇāļ¸ āļšāļŠāˇāļšāļ´āˇŠāļ´āļŊ⎊ āļšāˇ’āļģ⎓āļ¸āˇš ⎄⎐āļšāˇ’āļēāˇāˇ€ āļ´āˇ™āļąāˇŠāļąāˇ”āļ¸āˇŠ āļšāļģ āļ‡āļ­. āļąāˇ’āļ¯āˇƒāˇ”āļąāļšāˇŠ ⎀⎁āļē⎙āļąāˇŠ, 2019 ⎃⎐āļ´āˇŠāļ­āˇāļ¸āˇŠāļļāļģ⎊ āļ¸āˇāˇƒāļē⎚āļ¯āˇ“, ⎄⎖āļ­āˇ’ āļŠāˇŠâ€āļģāˇāļą āļēāˇāļąāˇ āˇƒāˇžāļ¯āˇ’ āļ…āļģāˇāļļ⎒āļē⎚ āļ…āļļ⎊āļšāˇāļē⎒āļšāˇŠ āˇƒāˇ„ āļšāˇ”āļģāˇāļēāˇ’āˇƒāˇŠ āļ´āˇ„āˇƒāˇ”āļšāļ¸āˇŠāˇ€āļŊāļ§ āļ´āˇ„āļģ āļ¯āˇ“,  āļ¸āˇ’āļŊ āļ‘āļš āļģ⎐āļēāļšāˇ’āļąāˇŠ āˇƒāˇ’āļēāļēāļ§ 20 āļšāˇ’āļąāˇŠ āļ‰āˇ„⎅ āļē⎀āļ¸āˇ’āļąāˇŠ āļŊāˇāļšāļē⎚ āļ­āˇ™āļŊ⎊ ⎃⎐āļ´āļē⎔āļ¸āˇ™āļąāˇŠ āˇƒāˇ’āļēāļēāļ§ 5 āļšāˇŠ āļ­āˇāˇ€āļšāˇāļŊ⎒āļšāˇ€ āļļ⎒āļŗ āļ¯āˇāļ¸āˇ– āˇ€āˇšāļē.

āļ…āļ¯ āļē⎔āļ¯āˇŠāļ°āļē⎚ āļˇāˇ– āļ¸āˇ–āļŊāˇāļ´āˇāļē⎒āļš āļ´āˇƒāˇ”āļļ⎒āļ¸ āļ¸āˇ™āļēāļē⎒: āļ…āˇ€āˇƒāˇāļąāļē⎚ āļ¯āˇ“ āļ āˇ“āļąāļē ⎃āļ¸āļŸ āļœāˇāļ§āˇ”āļ¸āļšāļ§ āˇƒāˇ–āļ¯āˇāļąāļ¸āˇŠ ⎀⎓āļ¸ āˇƒāļ¯āˇ„āˇ āļ‰āļģāˇāļąāļē⎚ āļ­āˇ™āļŊ⎊ āļ´āˇāļŊāļąāļē āļ´āļ¸āļĢāļšāˇŠ āļąāˇœāˇ€ ⎃āļ¸āˇƒāˇŠāļ­āļēāļšāˇŠ āļŊāˇ™āˇƒ āļœāļŊāˇŠāˇ†āˇŠ āļšāļŊāˇāļ´āļē āˇ€āˇƒāˇ āļ¯āˇāļ¸āˇ“āļ¸āˇš ⎃⎐āļŊ⎐⎃⎊āļ¸āļē⎒.

āļ‰āļģāˇāļąāļē, āļ āˇ“āļąāļēāļ§ āļ‘āļģ⎙⎄⎒ āļē⎔āļ¯āˇŠāļ°āļē āļšāļģāˇ āļ´āˇ’āļē⎀āļģāļšāˇŠ

āļ´āˇƒāˇ”āļœāˇ’āļē ⎃āļ­āˇ’āļē āļ¸āˇ”āļŊāļ¯āˇ“, āļŠāˇœāļąāļŊ⎊āļŠāˇŠ āļ§āˇŠâ€āļģāļ¸āˇŠāļ´āˇŠ āļ‰āļģāˇāļąāļē⎚ āļ‹āļ­āˇŠāļ­āļģ⎓āļ­āļģ āļąāˇāļēāļš āļ…āļēāļ­āˇ”āļŊ⎊āļŊāˇ āļšāļ¸āˇšāļąāˇ’ āļāˇāļ­āļąāļē āļšāļģāļą āļļ⎀āļ§ āļ­āļģ⎊āļĸāļąāļē āļšāˇ…āˇšāļē. “āļŠāļąāˇ’āļēāˇ āļ‹āļ­āˇŠāļ­āļģ⎓āļ­āļģ āļąāˇāļēāļšāļēāˇ ⎃⎐āļŸāˇ€āˇ“ āˇƒāˇ’āļ§āˇ’āļąāˇŠāļąāˇš āļšāˇœāļ­āˇāļąāļ¯āˇāļē⎒ āļ…āļ´āˇ’ ⎄āļģ⎒āļēāļ§āļ¸ āļ¯āļąāˇ’āļ¸āˇ”,” āļ´āˇ€āˇƒāļ¸āˇ’āļąāˇŠ  āļ”⎄⎔ “āļ´āˇ„āˇƒāˇ” āļ‰āļŊāļšāˇŠāļšāļēāļšāˇŠ” āļļ⎀  āļ‘āļšāļ­āˇ” āļšāˇ…āˇšāļē.

⎃āļ‚āļēāļ¸āļē⎙āļąāˇŠ āˇƒāˇ’āļ§āˇ’āļą āļ†āļšāˇāļģāļē⎙āļąāˇŠ āļ´āˇ™āļąāˇ“ āˇƒāˇ’āļ§āˇ’ āļ§āˇŠâ€āļģāļ¸āˇŠāļ´āˇŠ āļ´āˇāˇ„⎐āļ¯āˇ’āļŊ⎒ āļšāļŊ⎚ : “āļ…āļ´āˇ’ āļ”⎄⎔⎀ āļąāˇāļ­āˇ’ āļšāļģāļąāˇŠāļą āļēāļąāˇŠāļąāˇš āļąāˇāˇ„⎐ – āļ…āļŠāˇ” āļ­āļģāļ¸āˇ’āļąāˇŠ āļ¯āˇāļąāļ§”, āļąāļ¸āˇ”āļ­āˇŠ āļ…āļąāļ­āˇ”āļģ⎔ āļ‡āļŸāˇ€āˇ–āļē⎚, “āļ…āļ´āˇš āļ‰āˇ€āˇƒāˇ“āļ¸ āļ­āˇ”āļąāˇ“  ⎀⎓ āļēāļ¸āˇ’āļąāˇŠ āļ‡āļ­,” āļēāļąāˇ”⎀⎙āļąāˇ’. 

āļŠāˇāˇŠâ€āļģāˇāļēāļŊ āļ†āļģāļšāˇŠāˇ‚āļš āļ‡āļ¸āļ­āˇ’ āļŠāˇāˇŠâ€āļģāˇāļēāļŊ⎊ āļšāˇāļ§āˇŠāˇƒāˇŠ āļ´āˇƒāˇ”āļœāˇ’āļē āˇƒāˇ’āļšāˇ”āļģāˇāļ¯āˇ āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāļšāˇāˇ āļšāˇ…āˇš āļē⎔āļ¯āˇŠāļ°āļē⎚ āļ…āļģāļ¸āˇ”āļą āˇ€āˇ–āļē⎚ “āļ‘⎄⎒ āļļāļŊ āļ´āļ¯āļąāļ¸āˇŠāˇ€āļŊāļ§” āļ´āˇ„āļģ āļ¯āˇ“āļ¸āˇ™āļąāˇŠ “āļ­āļąāˇŠāļ­āˇŠâ€āļģāļē āļ…āˇƒāˇŠāļŽāˇāˇ€āļģ āļšāˇ’āļģ⎓ā āļļ⎀āļē⎒.

āļ‰āļģāˇāļąāļē ⎃āļŗāˇ”āļ¯āˇ āļ‘āļšāˇŠāˇƒāļ­āˇŠ āļĸāļąāļ´āļ¯ āļšāļŗāˇ€āˇ”āļģ⎔ ⎀⎙āļ­ āļģ⎜āļšāļ§āˇŠ āļšāˇ’⎄⎒āļ´āļēāļšāˇŠ āļ‘āļŊ⎊āļŊ āļšāļģāļ¸āˇ’āļąāˇŠ āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāļ­āˇ’āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāˇ„āˇāļģ āļ‘āļŊ⎊āļŊ āļšāļŊāļ¯, āļ¸āˇ™āļ¸ āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāˇ„āˇāļģ āļļāˇœāˇ„āˇ āļ¯āˇ”āļģāļ§ āˇƒāļ‚āļšāˇšāļ­āˇāļ­āˇŠāļ¸āļš āˇ„āˇ āļ¸āˇ–āļĢ⎒āļ āˇŠāļĄāˇāˇ€āļ§ āļļ⎀ āļ´āˇ™āļąāˇš. āļ’āˇ€āˇ āļ‰āļŸāˇ’ āļšāļģāļąāˇŠāļąāˇš āļ‰āļģāˇāļąāļē āļ´āˇ–āļģ⎊āļĢ āļē⎔āļ¯āˇŠāļ°āļēāļšāļ§ āļ­āˇ”āļŠāˇ” āļ¯āˇ’āļē ⎄⎐āļšāˇ’ ⎃⎐āļļ⎑ āļ´āˇ…⎒āļœāˇāļąāˇ“āļ¸āļšāˇŠ ⎀⎅āļšāˇŠāˇ€āˇ āļœāˇāļąāˇ“āļ¸āļ§ āļ­āˇāļģāˇ āļœāļąāˇŠāļąāˇ āļļ⎀āļē⎒.

āļ‘⎄⎒ āļ¯āˇ’āļœāˇ”āļšāˇāļŊ⎓āļą āļ†āļģ⎊āļŽāˇ’āļš āļ´āļģāˇ’āˇ„āˇāļąāˇ’āļē ⎃āļ¸āļąāļē āļšāˇ’āļģ⎓āļ¸āļ§ āˇƒāˇ„ āļ‘āļšāˇŠāˇƒāļ­āˇŠ āļĸāļąāļ´āļ¯āļē⎚ āļœāˇāļŊ⎓āļē āļ†āļ°āˇ’āļ´āļ­āˇŠâ€āļēāļēāļ§ āļ…āļˇāˇ’āļēāˇāļœ āļšāˇ… ⎄⎐āļšāˇ’ āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāļ­āˇ’āˇ€āˇāļ¯āˇ“ āļļāļŊāļēāļšāˇŠ āļ¸āļ­āˇ”⎀⎓āļ¸ āˇ€āˇāļŊ⎐āļšāˇŠāˇ€āˇ“āļ¸āˇš āļ¸āˇ–āļŊāˇāļ´āˇāļē⎒ā āļ´āˇ’āļē⎀āļģāļšāˇŠ ⎀⎁āļē⎙āļąāˇŠ,  āļ‘āļšāˇŠāˇƒāļ­āˇŠ āļĸāļąāļ´āļ¯āļē āļ āˇ“āļąāļē ⎃āļ¸āļœ āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāļ°āˇāļą āļœāˇāļ§āˇ”āļ¸āļšāļ§ āˇƒāˇ–āļ¯āˇāļąāļ¸āˇŠ ⎀⎙āļ¸āˇ’āļąāˇŠ āˇƒāˇ’āļ§āˇ’āļą āļļ⎀ āļ…⎀āļ¸ āˇ€āˇāļē⎙āļąāˇŠ 2015 āˇƒāˇ’āļ§  āļŊāˇāļš āˇƒāļ¸āˇāļĸāˇ€āˇāļ¯āˇ“ ⎀⎙āļļ⎊ āļ…āļŠāˇ€āˇ’āļē āļ…āļąāļ­āˇ”āļģ⎔ āļ…āļŸāˇ€āˇ āļ‡āļ­. 

āļ‘āļšāˇŠāˇƒāļ­āˇŠ āļĸāļąāļ´āļ¯āļē 2025 ⎀āļą āˇ€āˇ’āļ§ āļ āˇ“āļąāļē ⎃āļ¸āļŸ āļē⎔āļ¯āˇŠāļ°āļēāļš āļē⎙āļ¯āˇ™āļą āļļ⎀, 2023 āļ¯āˇ“ āļģāļ§āˇš āļ‰āˇ„⎅āļ¸ āļĸ⎙āļąāļģāˇāļŊāˇŠāˇ€āļģ⎔āļąāˇŠāļœāˇ™āļąāˇŠ āļšāˇ™āļąāˇ™āļšāˇŠ āļ´āˇ”āļģāˇāļšāļŽāļąāļē āļšāļŊ⎚āļē.

āļ¸āˇš āļ¸āˇƒ āļ¸āˇ”āļŊāļ¯āˇ“, āļ‘āļšāˇŠāˇƒāļ­āˇŠ āļĸāļąāļ´āļ¯ āļ†āļģāļšāˇŠāˇ‚āļš āļŊ⎚āļšāļ¸āˇŠ āļ´āˇ“āļ§āˇŠ ⎄⎙āļœāˇŠāˇƒāˇ™āļ­āˇŠ, āˇ€āˇœāˇ‚āˇ’āļąāˇŠāļ§āļąāļē⎚ āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāļ°āˇāļą āļ´āˇāˇƒāˇ’⎆⎒āļšāˇŠ āˇƒāˇ„āļ āļģāļē⎒āļąāˇŠ ⎀āļą āļ”āˇƒāˇŠāļ§āˇŠâ€āļģ⎚āļŊ⎒āļēāˇāˇ€, āļĸāļ´āˇāļąāļē, āļ¯āļšāˇ”āļąāˇ” āļšāˇœāļģ⎒āļēāˇāˇ€ āˇƒāˇ„ āļ´āˇ’āļŊ⎒āļ´āˇ“āļąāļē ⎄āļ¸āˇ”⎀⎓āļ¸āļ§ āļ†āˇƒāˇ’āļēāˇāˇ€āļ§ āļœāˇ’āļē āļ…āļ­āļģ, āļ”⎀⎔āļąāˇŠāļœāˇ™āļąāˇŠ āļ‰āļŊ⎊āļŊāˇ āˇƒāˇ’āļ§āˇ’āļē⎚ “āļ…āļ­āˇŠâ€āļēāˇāˇƒāļąāˇŠāļąâ€ āļœāˇāļ§āˇ”āļ¸āļšāˇŠ ⎃āļ¯āˇ„āˇ āˇƒāˇ–āļ¯āˇāļąāļ¸āˇŠ ⎀āļą āļŊāˇ™āˇƒāļē⎒. āļ¸āˇ™āļ¸ āļģāļ§āˇ€āļŊ⎊ ⎄āļ­āļģ⎙āļąāˇŠ āˇƒāˇ‘āļ¸ āļģāļ§āļšāˇŠāļ¸ āļ¸āˇ’āļŊ⎒āļ§āļģ⎒ ⎀⎒āļēāļ¯āļ¸āˇŠ āļ“āļ­āˇ’āˇ„āˇāˇƒāˇ’āļš āļ¸āļ§āˇŠāļ§āļ¸āˇŠ āļ¯āļšāˇŠāˇ€āˇ āļ‰āˇ„⎅ āļąāļ‚āˇ€āˇ āļ‡āļ­. āļ•āˇƒāˇŠāļ§āˇŠâ€āļģ⎚āļŊ⎒āļēāˇāˇ€āˇšāļ¯āˇ“, āļ†āļģāļšāˇŠāˇ‚āļš āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāļ°āˇāļąāˇ“ āļ…āļ¯āˇŠāļ¸āˇ’āļģāˇāļŊ⎊ āļŠāˇšāˇ€āˇ’āļŠāˇŠ āļĸ⎜āļąāˇŠāˇƒāˇŠāļ§āļąāˇŠ āļĸāˇāļ­āˇ’āļē⎙āļąāˇŠ āļ´āˇāˇ„⎐āļ¯āˇ’āļŊ⎒⎀āļ¸ āļ‰āļŊ⎊āļŊāˇ āˇƒāˇ’āļ§āˇ’āļē⎚ āļē⎔āļ¯āˇŠāļ°āļēāļ§ āˇƒāˇ–āļ¯āˇāļąāļ¸āˇŠ ⎀⎙āļą āļŊāˇ™āˇƒāļē⎒.

āļ‰āļģāˇāļąāļēāļ§ āļ‘āļģ⎙⎄⎒ āļē⎔āļ¯āˇŠāļ°āļē āļ¸āˇ™āļ¸ āļ´āˇ”⎅⎔āļŊ⎊ ⎃āļąāˇŠāļ¯āļģ⎊āļˇāļē āļ­āˇ”⎅ āļ­āˇāļļ⎓āļ¸ āļ…āļ­āˇŠâ€āļēāˇ€āˇāˇŠâ€āļē āˇ€āˇš. āļ§āˇŠâ€āļģāļ¸āˇŠāļ´āˇŠ āļ´āļģ⎒āļ´āˇāļŊāļąāļē ⎃āļŗāˇ„āˇ āļ‰āļģāˇāļąāļē āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāļ°āˇāļą āļˇāˇ– āļ¸āˇ–āļŊāˇāļ´āˇāļē⎒āļš āļ´āˇ’āļē⎀āļģāļšāˇ’–āļ‘āļąāļ¸āˇŠ, āļ¸āˇāļ¯ āļ´āˇ™āļģāļ¯āˇ’āļœ āļ āˇ“āļąāļē⎚ āļ†āˇƒāˇŠāļŽāˇāļąāļē āļ¯āˇ”āļģāˇŠāˇ€āļŊ āļšāˇ’āļģ⎓āļ¸āˇš āˇƒāˇ„ āļ´āˇ’āļģ⎒⎄⎙āļą āļ‘āļšāˇŠāˇƒāļ­āˇŠ āļĸāļąāļ´āļ¯ āļ†āļ°āˇ’āļ´āļ­āˇŠâ€āļēāļē ⎃āļ¸āļąāļē āļšāˇ’āļģ⎓āļ¸āˇš āļ´āˇ”āļŊ⎔āļŊ⎊ ⎃⎐āļŊ⎐⎃⎊āļ¸āˇš āļšāˇœāļ§āˇƒāļšāˇ’. āļē⎔āļ¯āˇŠāļ°āļē, āļ¸āˇš ⎀āļą āˇ€āˇ’āļ§, āļ´āˇāļŊāļą āļ­āļąāˇŠāļ­āˇŠâ€āļģ āļ¸āˇāļģ⎔⎀⎙āļąāˇŠ āļ¸āˇ™āˇ„āˇ āļąāļ­āļģ ⎀⎔⎀āļ¯, āļ‘⎄⎒ āļ…āļģāļ¸āˇ”āļą āˇ€āļąāˇŠāļąāˇš āˇƒāˇŠāˇ€āˇāļ°āˇ“āļą āļļāļŊ⎀āļ­āˇ™āļšāˇ” āļŊāˇ™āˇƒ āļšāˇŠâ€āļģ⎒āļēāˇ āļšāˇ’āļģ⎓āļ¸āļ§ āļ‰āļģāˇāļąāļē⎚ āļ‡āļ­āˇ’ ⎄⎐āļšāˇ’āļēāˇāˇ€ ⎃⎐āļŊāļšāˇ’āļē āļē⎔āļ­āˇ” āļŊāˇ™āˇƒ āļ…āļŠāļ´āļĢ āļšāˇ’āļģ⎓āļ¸ āˇƒāˇ„ āļ‘⎄⎒ āļ¯āˇ’āļœāˇ”⎀ āļŊāˇ™āˇƒ, āļ āˇ“āļąāļē⎚ āļļāļŊ⎁āļšāˇŠāļ­āˇ’ āˇƒāˇ”āļģāļšāˇŠāˇ‚⎒āļ­āļˇāˇāˇ€āļē āˇƒāˇ„ āļšāļŊāˇāļ´āˇ“āļē āļļāļŊāļ´āˇ‘āļ¸ āļēāļ§āļ´āļ­āˇŠ āļšāˇ’āļģ⎓āļ¸āļē⎒.

āļ…āļ­āˇŠāļŊāˇāļąāˇŠāļ­āˇ’āļšāˇŠ āļšāˇ€āˇ”āļąāˇŠāˇƒāˇ’āļŊāļē⎚ āļœāˇŠāļŊāˇāļļāļŊ⎊ āļ āļē⎒āļąāˇ ⎄āļļ⎊ ⎄⎒ (Global China Hub) ⎄⎒ āļ…āļąāˇšāˇ€āˇāˇƒāˇ’āļš āˇƒāˇāļ¸āˇāļĸ⎒āļšāļē⎙āļšāˇ” ⎀āļą āˇ€āˇ™āļąāˇŠ-āļ§āˇ’ āˇƒāˇ”āļ‚, DW āļĸāļģ⎊āļ¸āˇāļąāˇ” āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāˇ€āˇ˜āļ­āˇŠāļ­āˇ’ āļ’āļĸāļąāˇŠāˇƒāˇ’āļēāļ§ āļ´āˇāˇ„⎐āļ¯āˇ’āļŊ⎒ āļšāˇ… āļ´āļģ⎒āļ¯āˇ’, “āļ‘āļšāˇŠāˇƒāļ­āˇŠ āļĸāļąāļ´āļ¯ āļ¸āˇ’āļŊ⎒āļ§āļģ⎒ āļ¸āˇāļ¯āˇ’⎄āļ­āˇŠāˇ€āˇ“āļ¸āˇš āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāļ­āˇ’āļĩāļŊāļēāļšāˇŠ āļŊāˇ™āˇƒâ€“āˇƒāļ¸āˇ„āļģ⎀⎒āļ§  āļ¸āˇ’āļŊ⎒āļ§āļģ⎒āļ¸āļē ⎀⎁āļē⎙āļąāˇŠ  ⎃āļ¸āˇŠāļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāļ¯āˇāļē⎒āļš āļ´āˇ–āļģ⎊āļĢ āļē⎔āļ¯āˇŠāļ°āļēāļš āˇ„āˇ āˇƒāˇ’āˇ€āˇ’āļŊ⎊ āļē⎔āļ¯āˇŠāļ°āļēāļš āļ¸āˇāļē⎒āļ¸āˇš āļ¸āˇāļ¯āˇ’⎄āļ­āˇŠ ⎀⎓āļ¸āļšāˇ’āļąāˇŠâ€“āļ¯āˇ”āļģāˇŠāˇ€āļŊ āļšāˇ™āļģ⎔āļĢ⎔ āļ‰āļģāˇāļąāļēāļšāˇŠ āļ¸āˇāļ¯ āļ´āˇ™āļģāļ¯āˇ’āļœ āļ āˇ“āļą āļ…āļąāˇ”āˇ„āˇƒāˇš āˇ€āˇŠâ€āļēāˇāļ´āˇŠāļ­āˇ’āļē ⎃āļŗāˇ„āˇ āļ…āļŠāˇ” āļĩāļŊāļ¯āˇāļē⎓ ⎄⎀⎔āļŊ⎊āļšāļģ⎔⎀⎙āļšāˇ” āļļ⎀āļ§ āļ´āļ­āˇŠ āļšāļģāļąāˇ” āļ‡āļ­.” āļ…āˇ€āˇƒāˇāļąāļē⎚āļ¯āˇ“, āļ¸āˇ™āļ¸ āļē⎔āļ¯āˇŠāļ°āļē⎚āļ¯āˇ“ āļ‘āļšāˇŠāˇƒāļ­āˇŠ āļĸāļąāļ´āļ¯ āļ…āļ°āˇ’āļģāˇāļĸāˇŠâ€āļēāˇ€āˇāļ¯āļē⎚ āļ‰āļŊāļšāˇŠāļšāļē āļ¸āˇ™āļēāļē⎒.

āļ”⎄⎔āļœāˇš 2025 āļ¸āˇāļē⎒ āļ¯āˇ’āļą āļ¯āˇšāˇāļąāļē⎚āļ¯āˇ“â€“āˇ†āˇāˇƒāˇ’āˇƒāˇŠāļ§āˇŠāˇ€āˇāļ¯āļēāļ§ āˇ„āˇ āļē⎔āļ¯āˇŠāļ°āļēāļ§ āļ‘āļģ⎙⎄⎒ ⎃āļ¸āˇāļĸāˇ€āˇāļ¯āļē–āļŊāˇāļš āˇƒāļ¸āˇāļĸāˇ€āˇāļ¯āˇ“ ⎀⎙āļļ⎊ āļ…āļŠāˇ€āˇ’āļē⎚ āļĸāˇāļ­āˇŠâ€āļēāļąāˇŠāļ­āļģ āļšāļģ⎊āļ­āˇ˜ āļ¸āļĢ⎊āļŠāļŊāļē⎚ ⎃āļˇāˇāļ´āļ­āˇ’ āļŠāˇšāˇ€āˇ’āļŠāˇŠ āļąāˇāļģ⎊āļ­āˇŠ āļ¸āˇ™āˇƒāˇš āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāļšāˇāˇ āļšāˇ…āˇšāļē.

“āļ†āļ°āˇ’āļ´āļ­āˇŠâ€āļēāļē āˇƒāˇ„ āļ´āˇāˇ€āˇāļ­āˇŠāļ¸ āˇƒāļŗāˇ„āˇ ⎀āļą āļ…āļģāļœāļŊāļē, āˇāˇŠâ€āļģāļ¸āļē āˇƒāˇ„ āļŊāˇāļš āˇ€āˇ™āˇ…āļŗāļ´āˇœāˇ… āļ‡āļ­āˇ”⎅⎔ āļ­āˇ“āļģāļĢāˇāļ­āˇŠāļ¸āļš āˇƒāļ¸āˇŠāļ´āļ­āˇŠ ⎀⎙āļ­ āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāˇ€āˇšāˇ ⎀⎓āļ¸ āˇƒāļ¸āˇŠāļļāļąāˇŠāļ°āļē⎙āļąāˇŠ āļ…āļąāˇ’āˇ€āˇāļģ⎊āļēāļē⎙āļąāˇŠāļ¸ āļšāļ§āˇ”āļš āļ…āļģāļœāļŊ⎀āļŊāļ§ āļ¸āļŸ āļ´āˇāļ¯āļē⎒… āļ¸āˇ™āļ¸ āļŊāˇāļš āļ…āļģāļœāļŊāļē⎚ āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāļ°āˇāļą āļ āļģ⎒āļ­āļē āļ‘āļšāˇŠāˇƒāļ­āˇŠ āļĸāļąāļ´āļ¯āļēāļē⎒. āļ‘⎄⎒ āļšāˇŠâ€āļģ⎒āļēāˇāˇ€āļąāˇŠāļ§ āˇ€āˇ’āˇāˇšāˇ‚āļē⎙āļąāˇŠ āļ…āļąāˇ”āļšāļ¸āˇŠāļ´āˇ ⎀⎒āļģ⎄⎒āļ­ āˇƒāˇ„ āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāļ āļĢ⎊āļŠāļšāˇāļģ⎓ āˇƒāˇŠāˇ€āļˇāˇāˇ€āļēāļšāˇŠ āļŊāļļāˇ āļ¯āˇ™āļąāˇŠāļąāˇš, āļ‡āļ¸āļģ⎒āļšāˇāļąāˇ” āļ´āˇāļŊāļš āļ´āļąāˇŠāļ­āˇ’āļē⎚ āļœāˇāļŊ⎓āļē āļ†āļ°āˇ’āļ´āļ­āˇŠâ€āļēāļē ⎃āļŗāˇ„āˇ āļ…āļģāļœāļŊāļē āļ‘⎄⎒ ⎃⎐āļļ⎑ āļ†āļģ⎊āļŽāˇ’āļš āļļāļŊāļē⎚ āļ¯āˇ’āļœāˇŠāļœāˇāˇƒāˇŠāˇƒāˇ”āļąāˇ” āļ´āļģāˇ’āˇ„āˇāļąāˇ’āļē⎚ ⎃āļąāˇŠāļ¯āļģ⎊āļˇāļē āļ­āˇ”⎅ āˇƒāˇ’āļ¯āˇ”⎀⎙āļ¸āˇ’āļąāˇŠ āļ´āˇ€āļ­āˇ’āļą āļļ⎐⎀⎒āļąāˇ’.”

āļ‰āˇ„āļŊ āļēāļą āļĢāļē, āˇ€āˇŠâ€āļēāˇ”āˇ„āˇāļ­āˇŠāļ¸āļš āļ…āˇƒāļ¸āˇāļąāļ­āˇāˇ€āļē, āļ¯āˇšāˇāļ´āˇāļŊāļą āļ¯āˇ’āļģāˇāļ´āļ­āˇŠāˇ€āˇ“āļ¸ āˇ€āˇāļąāˇ’ ⎀⎐āļŠāˇ™āļą āˇƒāˇ„ āļąāˇœāˇ€āˇ’āˇƒāļŗāˇ’āļē ⎄⎐āļšāˇ’ āļŊāˇ™āˇƒ āļ´āˇ™āļąāˇ™āļą āļ…āļģ⎊āļļ⎔āļ¯āˇ€āļŊāļ§ āļ¸āˇ”⎄⎔āļą āļ¯āˇ“ āˇƒāˇ’āļ§āˇ’āļą āļ‡āļ¸āļģ⎒āļšāˇāļąāˇ” āļ´āˇāļŊāļš āļ´āļąāˇŠāļ­āˇ’āļē āļŊāˇāļš āļ´āļģ⎊āļēāˇāļē āļ¸āļ­ āļœāˇ’āļŊ⎒⎄⎓ āļēāļą āļ­āļ¸ āļœāˇŠâ€āļģ⎄āļąāļē āļģ⎐āļš āļœāˇāļąāˇ“āļ¸ āˇƒāļŗāˇ„āˇ āļœāˇāļŊ⎓āļē āļ´āļģ⎒āļ¸āˇāļąāļē⎚ āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāļ āļĢ⎊āļŠāļ­āˇŠāˇ€āļēāļ§ āļē⎜āļ¸āˇ” ⎀⎙āļ¸āˇ’āļąāˇŠ āˇƒāˇ’āļ§āˇ“.

āļ‘⎄⎙āļ­āˇŠ āļ¸āˇ™āļ¸ āļ…āļ°āˇ’āļģāˇāļĸāˇŠâ€āļē āļ†āļšāˇŠâ€āļģāļ¸āļĢāļē āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāļ­āˇ’āļģāˇāļ¯āļē⎙āļąāˇŠ āļ­āˇœāļģ⎀ āļœāļ¸āļąāˇŠ āļąāˇœāļšāļģāļąāˇ” āļ‡āļ­. āļ¸āˇāļ¯ āļ´āˇ™āļģāļ¯āˇ’āļœ āļ­āˇ”āļŊ āļ´āļ¸āļąāļšāˇŠ āļąāˇœāˇ€, āļŊāˇāļš āļ…āļ°āˇ’āļģāˇāļĸāˇŠâ€āļēāˇ€āˇāļ¯āļē⎚ āļąāˇ’āļēāļ¸āˇ” āļšāˇ”āļ§āˇ’āļē ⎀āļą āļ‘āļšāˇŠāˇƒāļ­āˇŠ āļĸāļąāļ´āļ¯āļē āļ­āˇ”āļŊ āļ¯āˇ“āļ¯ āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāļ­āˇ’āļģāˇāļ°āļē ⎀āļģ⎊āļ°āļąāļē ⎀⎙āļ¸āˇ’āļąāˇŠ āļ´āˇ€āļ­āˇ“.

āļŊāˇāļš āˇƒāļ¸āˇāļĸāˇ€āˇāļ¯āˇ“ ⎀⎙āļļ⎊ āļ…āļŠāˇ€āˇ’āļē āļšāļģ⎊āļ­āˇ˜ āļ¸āļĢ⎊āļŠāļŊāļē āˇƒāˇ™āļąāˇƒāˇ”āļģāˇāļ¯āˇ āļ¸āˇ™āˇƒāˇš āļŊ⎒⎀⎓āļē.

“āļ‘āļšāˇŠāˇƒāļ­āˇŠ āļĸāļąāļ´āļ¯ āļ…āļ°āˇ’āļģāˇāļĸāˇŠâ€āļēāˇ€āˇāļ¯āļē āļē⎔āļ¯āˇŠāļ°āļēāļ§ āļēāļąāˇŠāļąāˇš āļ‰āļģāˇāļąāļē⎚ āļ¸āˇ’āļŊ⎒āļēāļą 90āļš āļĸāļąāļ­āˇāˇ€āļ§ āļ´āļ¸āļĢāļšāˇŠ āļąāˇœāˇ€ ⎃āļ¸āˇƒāˇŠāļ­ āļŊāˇāļšāļēāļ§āļ¸ āļ‘āļģ⎙⎄⎒⎀āļē. āļąāˇ“āļ­āˇ’⎀⎒āļģāˇāļ°āˇ“ āļ‘āļšāˇŠāˇƒāļ­āˇŠ āļĸāļąāļ´āļ¯-āļŠāˇāˇŠâ€āļģāˇāļēāļŊ āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāˇ„āˇāļģāļēāļ§ āļ‘āļģ⎙⎄⎒⎀ āˇƒāˇ’āļē ⎀⎒āļģāˇāļ°āļē āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāļšāˇāˇ āļšāˇ’āļģ⎓āļ¸āļ§ āˇƒāˇ’āļšāˇ”āļģāˇāļ¯āˇ āļ¸āˇ’āļŊ⎒āļēāļą āļœāļĢāļąāļšāˇŠ āļ‰āļģāˇāļąāļē⎚ āˇƒāˇ„ āļ¸āˇāļ¯ āļ´āˇ™āļģāļ¯āˇ’āļœ āļ…āļąāˇ™āļšāˇ”āļ­āˇŠ āļģāļ§āˇ€āļŊ ⎀⎓āļ¯āˇ’ āļļāļ§āˇ„.

āļ§āˇŠâ€āļģāļ¸āˇŠāļ´āˇŠ āļ´āˇ™āļģāļ¸āˇ”āļĢ⎔ āļ¯āˇ™āļšāļšāˇ’āļąāˇŠ āļē⎔āļ¯āˇŠāļ°āļē āļ¯āˇ’āļēāļ­āˇŠ āļšāļģāļē⎒: āļ’ āˇ€āˇ’āļ¯āˇšāˇāļē⎙⎄⎒āļ¯āˇ“ āļ‰āļģāˇāļąāļēāļ§ āļ‘āļģ⎙⎄⎒⎀ āˇƒāˇ„ āļģāļ§ āļ­āˇ”āļŊ āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāļĸāˇāļ­āļąāˇŠāļ­āˇŠâ€āļģāˇ€āˇāļ¯āˇ“ āļ…āļē⎒āļ­āˇ“āļąāˇŠāļ§ āˇƒāˇ„ āļšāļ¸āˇŠāļšāļģ⎔ āļ´āļąāˇŠāļ­āˇ’āļēāļ§ āļ‘āļģ⎙⎄⎒⎀  ⎀⎁āļē⎙āļąāˇ’. āļ¸āˇšāˇ€āˇ āļ‘āļšāļ¸ āļšāˇŠâ€āļģ⎒āļēāˇāˇ€āļŊ⎒āļē⎚ āļ´āˇāļ­āˇ’ āļ¯āˇ™āļšāļšāˇ’. āļ‰āļģāˇāļąāļē ⎃āļ¸āļŸ āļē⎔āļ¯āˇŠāļ°āļēāļšāˇŠ āļąāˇœāˇ€āˇāļŊ⎐āļšāˇŠāˇ€āˇ’āļē ⎄⎐āļšāˇ’ āļŊāˇ™āˇƒāļ¸ āļ¯āˇšāˇāļ´āˇāļŊāļą āļ¸āļģ⎊āļ¯āļąāļē āˇƒāˇ„ ⎃āļ¸āˇāļĸ āļšāļ´āˇŠāļ´āˇāļ¯āˇ”⎀ āļ‹āļ­āˇŠāˇƒāļąāˇŠāļą āˇ€āˇ“āļ¸ āˇƒāļ¸āļœ āļ…āļ­āˇŠāˇ€āˇāļŊ⎊ āļļ⎐āļŗāļœāļąāˇ” āļ‡āļ­. āļē⎔āļ° āļ…āļē⎀⎐āļē āļ¯āˇāļąāļ§āļ¸āļ­āˇŠ āļŠāˇœāļŊāļģ⎊ āļ§āˇŠâ€āļģ⎒āļŊ⎒āļēāļą 1 āļ‰āļšāˇŠāļ¸āˇ€āˇ“āļ¸āļ­āˇŠ ⎃āļ¸āļŸ, āļšāļ¸āˇŠāļšāļģ⎔ āļ´āļąāˇŠāļ­āˇ’āļēāļ§ āļ’ āˇƒāļ¯āˇ„āˇ  āļļ⎒āļŊ āļ´āˇ’āļē⎀⎓āļ¸āļ§ āļļāļŊ āļšāˇ™āļģ⎙āļąāˇ” āļ‡āļ­.”

āļē⎔āļ¯āˇŠāļ° āˇƒāˇāļ¸āˇāļąāˇŠâ€āļēāļē⎙āļąāˇŠ āļąāˇœāļ¯āˇ’āˇƒāˇ’ āˇƒāˇ„ āļ¯āˇ”āļģāļ¯āˇ’āļœ āļēāļą āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāļ­āˇ’⎀⎒āļ´āˇāļš āļ‡āļ­āˇ’ āļšāļģāļē⎒. āļ§āˇŠâ€āļģāļ¸āˇŠāļ´āˇŠ āļ´āļģ⎒āļ´āˇāļŊāļąāļē āļąāˇ’āˇƒāˇāļšāˇ€ āļ¸ āļ‘⎄⎒ āļšāˇŠâ€āļģ⎒āļēāˇāˇ€āļąāˇŠ āļ”⎄⎔āļœāˇš āļ…āˇƒāļ¸āˇƒāļ¸ â€œāˇƒāˇ”āļ°āˇ“āļ¸āļ­āˇŠāˇ€āļē” āˇƒāˇ„ “āļœāļąāˇ”āļ¯āˇ™āļąāˇ” ⎄⎐āļšāˇ’āļēāˇāˇ€â€ āļ´āˇ’āļŊ⎒āļļāļŗ āˇƒāˇāļšāˇŠāˇ‚⎒āļēāļšāˇŠ āļŊāˇ™āˇƒ āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāļ āˇāļģāļē āļšāˇ’āļģ⎓āļ¸āļ§ āļ‹āļ­āˇŠāˇƒāˇāˇ„ āļšāļģāļąāˇ” āļ‡āļ­āļ­āˇŠ, āļ¸āˇ™āļ¸ â€˜āˇ€āˇ™āļąāˇŠāļą-⎄⎒āļ§āˇŠāļŊāļģāˇŠâ€™ āˇƒāˇ’āļ¯āˇ”āļšāļģ āļ‡āļ­āˇŠāļ­āˇš āļģ⎐āļŠāˇ’āļšāļŊ⎊āļšāļģāļĢāļē⎚ āļœāˇāļŊ⎓āļē āļšāˇŠâ€āļģ⎒āļēāˇāˇ€āļŊ⎒āļēāļšāˇŠ āˇ€āˇšāļœāˇ€āļ­āˇŠ āļšāˇ’āļģ⎓āļ¸ āļ´āļ¸āļĢ⎒. āļ°āļąāˇšāˇāˇŠāˇ€āļģ āļšāˇŠâ€āļģāļ¸āļē⎚ āļ…āļģ⎊āļļ⎔āļ¯āļē āļœāˇāļšāˇ”āļģ⎔ ⎀⎙āļ¯āˇŠāļ¯āˇ“, āļ‘āļē āˇ€āˇ’āˇƒāˇ’āļąāˇŠ āļ¸āˇ”āļ¯āˇāˇ„āļģ⎒āļą āļ´āˇŠâ€āļģāļ āļĢ⎊āļŠāļ­āˇŠāˇ€āļē⎚ āˇ„āˇ āļˇāˇ“⎂āļĢāļē⎚ āļ´āļģ⎒āļ¸āˇāļąāļē ⎀āļŠāˇāļ­āˇŠ āļ´āˇāˇ„⎐āļ¯āˇ’āļŊ⎒⎀ āļ¯āˇāļšāļœāˇāļąāˇ“āļ¸āļ§ āļļ⎒āļŊ⎒āļēāļą āˇƒāļ‚āļ›āˇŠâ€āļēāˇāļ­ āļĸāļąāļēāˇ āļ´āļ§āļąāˇŠ āļœāˇ™āļą āļ‡āļ­. 

āļ‰āļģāˇāļąāļēāļ§ āļ‘āļģ⎙⎄⎒ āļ‘āļšāˇŠāˇƒāļ­āˇŠ āļĸāļąāļ´āļ¯-āļŠāˇāˇŠâ€āļģāˇāļēāļŊ āļē⎔āļ¯āˇŠāļ°āļē āļ´āˇ’āļ§āˇ”āļ´āˇƒ āļŠāļ§ āļ´āˇāļ¯āļš āˇ€āˇ– āļˇāˇ–-āļ¸āˇ–āļŊāˇāļ´āˇāļē⎒āļš āˇ„āˇšāļ­āˇ” Read More Âģ

US attack Iran

American imperialism’s bombardment of Iran: A day that will live in infamy

By WSWS Editorial Board

We repost below the World Socialist Web Site Editorial Board statement published on wsws.org here on June 23, 2025

US attack Iran
A B-2 stealth bomber conducts a flyover on the South Lawn of the White House, Saturday, July 4, 2020, in Washington. [AP Photo/Alex Brandon]

June 22, 2025 is a day that will live in infamy. In a massive and unprovoked assault, the United States launched a sneak attack on Iran, dropping the most powerful non-nuclear bunker-buster bombs ever used in combat on Iranian nuclear energy facilities. This act of aggression is the continuation and escalation of the US-backed Israeli genocide in Gaza, and threatens to engulf the entire Middle East and set the world on fire.

Codenamed “Operation Midnight Hammer,” the assault involved more than 125 aircraft, including at least eight B-2 Spirit stealth bombers, backed by fighter jets, refueling tankers and surveillance aircraft, in what was the largest B-2 strike operation in US history. 

The centerpiece of the attack was the deployment of the GBU-57A/B Massive Ordnance Penetrator (MOP), a 13.6-ton bunker-busting bomb—the most powerful non-nuclear weapon of its kind ever used. Twelve MOPs were dropped on the heavily fortified Fordow uranium enrichment site, and two more on Natanz. These were accompanied by numerous 2,900-pound Tomahawk missiles, which rained down on both facilities as well as the Isfahan research complex.

US President Donald Trump justified his attack in a four-minute homicidal, lying rant, delivered Saturday night. Announcing that US forces had struck three nuclear facilities, he claimed they were part of a “horribly destructive enterprise” which was supposedly necessary to “stop the nuclear threat” posed by Iran. 

In fact, these sites are part of Iran’s civilian nuclear energy program, developed in accordance with the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) and subject to international inspection. For years, the United States’ own intelligence agencies have assessed that Iran was not actively pursuing nuclear weapons. But in the tradition of the Bush administration’s lies about Iraq’s “weapons of mass destruction,” Trump once again invoked fabricated threats to justify extraordinarily reckless acts of unprovoked aggression.

Trump boasted of the “spectacular military success” of the attack, which he intended to serve as a message to the entire region, declaring that “Iran, the bully of the Middle East, must now make peace.” 

The reference to Iran as the “bully of the Middle East” turns reality on its head. For over a third of a century, US imperialism has been at war and carried out regime change operations throughout the region, including in Iraq, Afghanistan, Syria, Libya and Yemen. Over the past two years, the Israeli government has waged a genocidal war in Gaza with continuous US support, slaughtering tens of thousands of innocent civilians. This has been merely a dress rehearsal for a broader campaign of mass murder. 

Having just launched an unprovoked military strike against a sovereign nation in flagrant violation of international law, Trump now demands “peace”! By this, he means “unconditional surrender,” as he demanded last week—that is, the turning over of the country to direct imperialist dominance. On Sunday, Trump explicitly called for “regime change” in Iran, following his threat last week to assassinate Ayatollah Khamenei.

Trump declared, “For 40 years”—since the overthrow of the US-backed Shah—“Iran has been saying, ‘Death to America, death to Israel,’” and proclaimed that “hundreds of thousands throughout the Middle East â€Ļ have died as a direct result of their hate.” The carnage Trump blames on Iran is in fact the outcome of successive US wars and interventions, under Democrats and Republicans, that have devastated entire societies. It is not Iran that has inflicted “hundreds of thousands” of deaths—it is the United States.

The strikes were directly coordinated with the fascist Israeli government, which is continuing to launch missile attacks on Iran. As Trump stated, “We worked as a team as perhaps no team has worked before.” Just prior to Trump’s remarks, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu issued a statement hailing the US airstrikes and thanking Trump, declaring that the two were pursuing a policy of “Peace through strength: First comes strength, then comes peace.” In other words, slaughter and terror must precede submission.

Trump concluded with a naked threat of further violence: “There will be either peace, or there will be tragedy for Iran. â€Ļ Remember, there are many targets left.” The logical next step in this campaign of destruction is the use of tactical nuclear weapons—an option the Trump administration has repeatedly declared is “not off the table.” 

Saturday’s attack makes clear that there are no red lines for American imperialism, which will stop at nothing. Its criminality knows no limits. No government has so openly and flagrantly violated international law since the Nazi regime.

The bombing of Iran is a central component of an escalating global war. It is not a question of warning of the danger of a new world war—it has already begun. American imperialism is seeking to resolve its deepening internal social and political crisis through military aggression. Having targeted Iran, the logic of imperialist war is leading inevitably to confrontation with China. Regime change in Iran is aimed at securing unchallenged control over the Persian Gulf, the Caspian Sea and the broader Eurasian landmass—regions rich in oil, gas and critical trade routes.

Trump hailed the strikes as a “spectacular military success,” but in reality, he has embarked on a catastrophic and utterly reckless course of action. Whatever short-term calculations were made by the White House and Pentagon, they have now launched a war whose consequences they cannot control. They have sown the wind and will reap the whirlwind. As with the war against Iraq launched in 2003, American imperialism has a rendezvous with disaster, but on a far larger scale.

It remains to be seen how Iran will respond, as well as its close allies, Russia and China. Iran’s parliament has moved to close the strategic Strait of Hormuz, through which a significant share of the world’s oil supply passes—an action that will send global energy markets into turmoil and could trigger a global recession. For years, the passivity of the Iranian bourgeois government—marked by appeals for negotiations and the avoidance of direct confrontation—has emboldened US imperialism. 

Whatever the immediate response of Iran, Russia and China, however, the decisive issue is the reaction of the international working class. The most significant and far-reaching impact of Saturday’s attack will be on the consciousness of billions of people throughout the world. This act of imperialist aggression is already provoking mass outrage, expressed on all social media platforms and through initial protests that took place throughout the US on Sunday.

The war on Iran follows nearly two years of expanding global opposition to the genocide in Gaza. It exposes beyond any doubt the thoroughly criminal character of American foreign policy. The United States is increasingly seen by billions of workers throughout the world as a criminal government that operates outside of all legal restraint. The myth that American imperialism defends “freedom” or “democracy” lies forever in the past.

The war will pour gasoline on the already raging social and political crises in the United States, across Europe and around the world. It is the action of a regime ruled by and for the financial oligarchy. As it bombs and murders abroad, the Trump administration is dismantling democratic rights at home and erecting a political dictatorship. The Democratic Party, the so-called opposition, is paralyzed and complicit—paralyzed by its fear of the working class and complicit in the aims of imperialism.

Mass opposition is emerging. Just one week before the bombing of Iran, millions participated in the largest anti-government demonstrations in American history. The question is not whether opposition exists, but how it can be organized, directed and armed with a political perspective. The immense anger and revulsion provoked by the bombing must be transformed into a conscious political movement of the working class, linking the fight against war and dictatorship to the struggle against capitalism.

The working class is the social force that must be mobilized to stop imperialist barbarism. The criminal war being waged against Iran is not an aberration, but the product of the entire capitalist system. It must be halted through the unified global struggle of the working class, organized across all national boundaries. 

The International Committee of the Fourth International and its affiliated Socialist Equality Parties call for an immediate end to the US-Israeli war against Iran and the dismantling of the entire imperialist war machine. We urge workers and youth to organize protests, walkouts and strikes in every country.

Imperialism is plunging the world into barbarism and criminality. It is not a matter of reforming a bankrupt system, but of overthrowing it through the conscious and organized struggle of the working class for power. The alternative to war and dictatorship is socialism. What is needed is the building of a new revolutionary leadership to lead this movement forward, and to make socialism—the democratic control of the economy by the working class in the interests of all humanity—the guiding principle of a new social order.

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Iran

Stop the war against Iran!

By WSWS Editorial Board.

We repost below the World Socialist Web Site Editorial Board statement published on wsws.org here on June 21, 2025

Iran
Smoke rises from an oil storage facility after it appeared to have been struck by an Israeli strike on Saturday, in Tehran, Iran, Monday, June 16, 2025. [AP Photo/Vahid Salemi]

American imperialism and its Israeli proxy continue to escalate their illegal, unprovoked war of aggression against Iran, with US nuclear-capable B-52s and aircraft carrier battle groups readying to launch an imminent attack.

Nearly a quarter century after the United States invaded Afghanistan and Iraq, the American ruling class is once more preparing to launch a criminal war, this time against a vast country with a population more than three times larger than Iraq.

Through war, the would-be dictator Donald Trump and the financial oligarchy that rules via the Republican and Democratic parties hope to:

  • Reimpose the shackles of neo-colonial subjugation on Iran, 45 years after the Iranian people toppled the monarchical dictatorship of the US-installed Shah.
  • Secure unbridled US imperialist control over the world’s principal oil-exporting region and key global ocean trade routes, so as to prepare for war with Washington’s principal strategic adversaries, China and Russia.
  • Stave off economic crisis and financial collapse through plunder.
  • Divert attention from a massive domestic crisis and mounting social opposition.

The consequences of this reckless gamble will be catastrophic for the Iranian people, the Middle East and the entire world.

For all its massively armed gangsterism, deceit and treachery, the outcome of this war will be no less—and probably more—disastrous than the “wars of choice” that US imperialism waged in Afghanistan, Iraq, Vietnam and Korea.

The political establishments in the US and other imperialist centers, on the other hand, are in full war propaganda mode. Iran is vilified as a “terror state” and an “existential” threat to the Israeli and American people.

But who will take any of this seriously after decades of lies and criminality—after being bombarded with claims that Iraq possessed “weapons of mass destruction” and endless apologias for Israel as it bombs hospitals and slaughters people queuing for food in its drive to kill and expel the Gaza Palestinians?

Twenty-two years ago, at the launch of the Pentagon’s “shock and awe” invasion” of Iraq, World Socialist Web Site Chairman David North wrote, “Whatever the outcome of the initial stages of the conflict that has begun, American imperialism has a rendezvous with disaster. It cannot conquer the world. It cannot reimpose colonial shackles upon the masses of the Middle East.”

US imperialism is going to war not just against the 90 million people of Iran but against the entire world. On Friday, millions took to the streets of Iran and other countries in the Middle East to voice their opposition to the illegal US-Israeli assault. 

Throughout the world, people understand that the Trump administration is preparing to launch a war of aggression in alliance with Israel, whose genocidal assault on Gaza has made it the most despised state in the world. 

In the US, there is a growing mass movement against Trump, with 10-15 million people joining the June 14 “No Kings” protests. Moreover, a Washington Post poll found that the Americans it surveyed oppose US involvement in a war against Iran by a nearly two-to-one margin.  

The working class, as the classical Marxists explained, must evaluate its attitude toward any war by examining the social interests involved.

The US-Israeli war on Iran is an imperialist war. It is being waged on a historically oppressed country. The dominant factor in its political history has been a century-long struggle for emancipation from first British and then American imperialism.

Moreover, the war is part of an interconnected chain of military operations spanning decades. The same governments, organizations and media outlets now backing Israel’s onslaught on Iran were the most strident in supporting the war against Russia, provoked by the imperialist powers and justified on the basis of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. 

Over the past 35 years, US imperialism has sought to reverse the consequences of the wave of anti-colonial and social revolutions of the 20th century and to counter the erosion of its global hegemony through ever-expanding militarism and aggression.

The World Socialist Web Site, the International Committee of the Fourth International and its affiliated Socialist Equality Parties stand unequivocally for the defeat of US imperialism and its Israeli proxy.

Iran is a capitalist country, led by a reactionary bourgeois nationalist regime. Rising to power on the basis of the 1979 Revolution, its greatest fear is the working class. Faced with mounting US threats over the past two decades, the Iranian bourgeoisie has combined repeated efforts to reach an accommodation with Washington with a drive to eliminate what remains of the social concessions made in the immediate aftermath of the popular explosion that overthrew the Shah.

The International Committee of the Fourth International opposes the bourgeois government in Iran. But its attitude to the imminent war is determined by the fact that Iran, a historically oppressed country, is threatened with subjugation and annihilation by an alliance of imperialist powers. The Iranian resistance to the imperialist onslaught is entirely legitimate and politically progressive.

Those who argue that the reactionary character of the Iranian government negates the right of Iran to defend itself are giving “left” cover to the imperialist war drive.

As Leon Trotsky wrote in 1937, shortly after Japanese imperialism launched its war of conquest against China, when an oppressed country comes under imperialist attack, the duty of socialists is to defend it irrespective of the reactionary character of its government. Answering those who refused to defend China because it was then led by Chiang Kai-shek and the bourgeois nationalist Kuomintang, which strangled the 1925-27 anti-imperialist revolution and massacred tens of thousands of revolutionary-minded workers, Trotsky explained:

China is a semicolonial country which Japan is transforming, under our very eyes, into a colonial country. Japan’s struggle is imperialist and reactionary. China’s struggle is emancipatory and progressive. â€Ļ

Japan and China are not on the same historical plane. The victory of Japan will signify the enslavement of China, the end of her economic and social development, and the terrible strengthening of Japanese imperialism. The victory of China will signify, on the contrary, the social revolution in Japan and the free development, that is to say unhindered by external oppression, of the class struggle in China.

The working class in Iran and globally must oppose the US-Israeli onslaught, but they must do so through their own class struggle methods. This means developing a global working class counteroffensive that ties the fight against imperialist war and the ever-widening assault on the social and democratic rights of the working class to the fight against capitalism. This requires the struggle for the building of sections of the ICFI in Iran, throughout the Middle East and internationally.

In conventional military terms, the US-Israeli attackers have a vast preponderance of destructive power. But as the history of revolutions and colonial wars has repeatedly shown, military might, although significant, is only one factor. 

The principal vulnerability of imperialism lies in the massive and rapidly expanding potential for social opposition that exists in the Middle East, throughout Asia, Africa and in the growing resistance of workers in the imperialist centers.

It is this force that constitutes the decisive answer to imperialist aggression and the expanding global war and that must be mobilized. This can only be done in implacable opposition to all the rival bourgeoisies, their governments and political representatives.

In the US, all factions of the Democratic Party and its chief media voice, the New York Times, are supporting a war that has been organized by a president they themselves admit is systematically violating the Constitution and seeking to establish a presidential dictatorship.

Trump is waging war on two fronts: abroad against Iran, and at home against democratic rights and the working class. These are two sides of the same process. A war with Iran will inevitably be accompanied by an escalation of political repression and social austerity. With the war budget already over $1 trillion, the working class will be forced to foot the bill.

Trump’s anti-Constitutional drive to establish a presidential dictatorship within the United States and the launching of an illegal war against Iran are interconnected elements of a criminal government. The interaction of these elements threatens the US and the world with a catastrophe. If there is any country that is in desperate need of a regime change, it is the United States.

The same basic processes are present in Europe. The talks held by the European imperialist powers with Iran’s foreign minister in Vienna Friday were a fraud, aimed at browbeating Tehran into surrender. Any reservations they have about Trump’s rush to war concern their own predatory interests: that they could be burned in the inferno Trump and Netanyahu have set alight; that all-out war in the Middle East will divert US war materiel from Ukraine; and that they are at risk of being cut out by Washington of the spoils of imperialist conquest and plunder.

The Chinese and Russian capitalist regimes, basing themselves on the most pragmatic, short-term calculations and clinging to the hope that they can reach some accommodation with Trump and US imperialism, have taken no action to oppose the onslaught on Iran.

As for the Iranian regime, its conduct before and during the war has only underscored that the national bourgeoisie is incapable of waging a struggle against imperialism. Even now after Trump has demanded “unconditional surrender,” it persists in making appeals to the would-be fascist dictator, while pleading for the European imperialist gangsters to intervene on its behalf.

This war, like World War I and World War II, arises out of the fundamental contradictions of capitalism: between a globally integrated economy and the outmoded nation-state system, and between private ownership of the means of production and the social character of modern economic life.

The International Committee of the Fourth International and its affiliated Socialist Equality Parties call for mass opposition to the Trump administration’s plans to launch a direct war against Iran. We call for protests, demonstrations and walkouts to oppose this act of imperialist aggression.

Only the international working class, armed with a revolutionary socialist program, can put an end to imperialist war and the capitalist system that breeds it. The ICFI insists that the fight against war must be fused with the fight for workers’ power and the socialist reorganization of global economic life.

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Iran

Oppose the imperialist war on Iran!

By WSWS Editoria Board.

We repost below the World Socialist Web Site statement published on wsws.org here on June 13, 2025

Iran
Damages are seen in a building after an explosion in a residence compound after Israel attacked Iran’s capital Tehran, Friday, June 13, 2025. (AP Photo/Vahid Salemi) [AP Photo]

On Thursday evening, under the cover of darkness, Israel launched a massive air and missile assault on Iran, striking air defenses, nuclear facilities, key military personnel and command centers.

At least 78 people were killed and over 300 injured in the largest attack on Iran since the Iran-Iraq War of the 1980s. Israel assassinated six nuclear scientists and 20 high-ranking military personnel, including the Chief of Staff of Iran’s military and the commander-in-chief of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps.

The World Socialist Web Site unequivocally condemns Israel’s illegal and unprovoked assault on Iran as a brazen act of imperialist aggression. The increasingly unhinged Israeli regime—already carrying out a genocide against 2 million people in Gaza—has now deliberately provoked war with a country 10 times its size, threatening catastrophic consequences for the entire region.

Israel’s claim that it acted in “self-defense” against an alleged Iranian nuclear program is an absurd and transparent fraud. It is well known that Israel possesses nuclear weapons, acquired in violation of international law.

Prior to the assault, Iran was engaged in negotiations with the White House over its nuclear program. In the days leading up to the strike, every major imperialist government—including the United States—made statements saying they opposed an Israeli attack on Iran, calling instead for a negotiated settlement.

The United States even went so far as to announce a new round of talks with Iran on Sunday just hours before Israel, with US foreknowledge and complicity, began raining missiles down on Tehran. Within the span of 24 hours, the White House went from vocally proclaiming it opposed an Israeli attack on Iran to publicly gloating about it.

Asked by the Wall Street Journal Friday whether the US got a “heads-up” of the attacks, US President Donald Trump replied, “Heads-up? It wasn’t a heads-up. It was, we know what’s going on.”

In reality, the so-called “negotiations” were a treacherous charade, designed to provide Israel with the opportunity to kill Iran’s military leaders in their homes. Among those targeted and killed in Israel’s Thursday night attack was top Iranian nuclear negotiator Ali Shamkhani.

Citing US and Israeli officials, Axios reported Friday that “Trump and his aides were only pretending to oppose an Israeli attack in public—and didn’t express opposition in private. ‘We had a clear U.S. green light,’ one claimed. The goal, they say, was to convince Iran that no attack was imminent and make sure Iranians on Israel’s target list wouldn’t move to new locations.”

The fact that Iran allowed a significant portion of its leadership to be killed—apparently while they were in civilian dwellings vulnerable to missile strikes, even as the American press openly telegraphed an Israeli attack—is a devastating exposure of the Iranian regime’s strategic bankruptcy. The regime placed immense confidence in the good faith of the Trump administration. Ignoring and forgetting all that has happened, including Trump’s authorization of the murder of General Suleimani in January 2020, the Iranian leaders were convinced that the United States would restrain Israel while negotiations were pending. They fell for a simple trick, like a child taking candy from a stranger.

But there are politics behind the Iranian regime’s astonishing naivete. Terrified of its own working class, the Iranian capitalist elite is desperately seeking an agreement with the imperialist powers, who have demonstrated their full commitment to Iran’s destruction and subjugation.

Israel’s attack on Iran has also exposed where the European imperialist powers really stand, despite their recent criticisms of aspects of the Israeli genocide in Gaza. The German government announced that Netanyahu had informed Chancellor Merz of the planned assault. Both the French and German governments issued statements affirming Israel’s “right to defend itself” and condemning retaliatory strikes by Iran.

The attack on Iran is the direct outcome of the longstanding US-Israeli drive to create a “new Middle East” under imperialist domination, intensified in the wake of the events of October 7, 2023. It was made possible by the immense political, military and intelligence support Israel has received from the United States for decades, under both Democratic and Republican administrations.

The Pentagon and Israeli military have long planned and war-gamed an assault on Iran and its nuclear program—an attack that Trump has repeatedly vowed to authorize.

US imperialism has never accepted the outcome of the 1979 Iranian Revolution, which overthrew the dictatorship of Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, a key American ally in the Middle East. Washington backed Iraq in its brutal war against Iran throughout the 1980s. Even as it turned on Iraq—waging war in 1990–91 and invading in 2003—the installation of a US-aligned regime in Tehran remained a central objective. 

Today, Iran is grouped with Russia, China, and North Korea as a major obstacle to US global hegemony—one that Washington is determined to eliminate at any cost.

The ultimate aim of this assault is the imperialist domination of the Middle East—the world’s most important oil-exporting region and home to critical trade routes and strategic chokepoints, including the Persian Gulf. By subjugating Iran, a key ally of both Russia and China, the United States aims to strengthen its global position in preparation for direct confrontation with its principal strategic rivals.

History has shown that imperialist wars lead to unforeseen and catastrophic consequences. Just as the US invasion of Iraq unleashed a regional disaster, so too will Israel’s assault on Iran. The people of the Middle East will not remain passive as their countries are turned into battlegrounds for imperialist domination. 

The international working class must respond by building a conscious movement against imperialist war and the capitalist system that gives rise to it.

The World Socialist Web Site calls for the defense of Iran from imperialist violence and subjugation. But this can not be waged through the support of any bourgeois government. It requires the independent mobilization of the working class of the Middle East and the whole world, in opposition to all ethnic, racial and religious divisions, on the basis of a revolutionary socialist program.

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