Militarism

War ship

2030 යුරෝපයේ ආරක්ෂක මාර්ග සිතියම ඒකාධිපතිත්වයට සහ ගෝලීය යුද්ධයට පදනම දමයි

ජොහැන්නස් ස්ටර්න් විසිනි. 

මෙහි පලවන්නේ ලෝක සමාජවාදී වෙබ් අඩවියේ (ලෝසවෙඅ) 2025 ඔක්තෝම්බර් 25 දින ‘Europe’s defence roadmap 2030 lays the groundwork for dictatorship and global warයන හිසින් පලවූ ජොහැන්නස් ස්ටර්න් විසින් ලියන ලද ඉදිරිදර්ශන ලිපියේ සිංහල පරිවර්තනය යි.

War ship
2003 මාර්තු 23 වන දින මධ්‍යධරණී මුහුදේ ක්‍රියාත්මක වන USS කේප් ශාන්ත ජෝර්ජ් (CG 71) නියෙමු මිසයිල නෞකාවෙන් ටොමාහෝක් ගොඩබිම් ප්‍රහාරක මිසයිලයක් (TLAM) දියත් කරන අයුරු.[AP ඡායාරූප/බුද්ධි විශේෂඥ 1 වන කෙනත් මෝල්/එක්සත් ජනපද නාවික හමුදාව]

පසුගිය දිනවල සිදුවීම් රුසියාවට එරෙහි අධිරාජ්‍යවාදී මිලිටරි උත්සන්න කිරීමේ සහ තුන්වන ලෝක යුද්ධයකට සූදානම් වීමේ නව අවධියක් සනිටුහන් කරයි. බ්‍රහස්පතින්දා බ්‍රසල්ස් හි පැවති යුරෝපීය කවුන්සිලයේ රැස්වීම් සහ සිකුරාදා ලන්ඩනයේ පැවති ඊනියා “කැමැත්ත ඇත්තන්ගේ සන්ධානය” සාමාන්‍ය රාජ්‍ය තාන්ත්‍රික රැස්වීම් නොව යුද සමුළු විය. ඔවුහු එක්ව නව සම්බාධක, යුක්රේනයට තවදුරටත් මිලිටරි ආධාර සහ සමස්ත මහාද්වීපයම මිලිටරිකරණය කිරීම සඳහා වන පස් අවුරුදු සැලැස්මක් සකස් කරන “ආරක්ෂක සූදානම මාර්ග සිතියම 2030” අනුමත කළහ.

ඒ සමඟම, වොෂින්ටනය එහි සෘජු මැදිහත්වීම තීව්‍ර කළේය. ට්‍රම්ප් පරිපාලනය යුක්රේනයට බටහිර රටවල් විසින් සපයන ලද දිගු දුර මිසයිල භාවිතා කිරීම සඳහා පනවා තිබූ ප්‍රධාන සීමාවන් ඉවත් කිරිම මගින්, කියෙව්ට රුසියානු භූමියේ ගැඹුරට පහර දීමට හැකියාව ඇති කළේය. අඟහරුවාදා, යුක්රේනය බ්‍රිතාන්‍ය සැපයූ ස්ටෝම්  ෂැඩෝ කෲස් මිසයිලයක් භාවිතා කර බ්‍රයන්ස්ක් හි පුපුරණ ද්‍රව්‍ය සහ රොකට් ඉන්ධන නිපදවන කම්හලකට ප්‍රහාරයක් එල්ල කළේය. යුක්රේන පොදු කාර්ය මණ්ඩලය (general staff) “සාර්ථක ප්‍රහාරය” සැමරූහ. එවැනි මෙහෙයුම් නේටෝ බලවතුන් සහ රුසියාව අතර විවෘත ගැටුමක් අවුලුවාලීමේ අවදානමක් ඇති කරන අතර එය වේගයෙන් න්‍යෂ්ටික සටනක් දක්වා සර්පිලාකාර විය හැකිය.

එක්සත් ජනපදය සහ එහි යුරෝපීය සහචරයෝ හිතාමතාම ගැටුම උත්සන්න කරමින් සිටිති. වොෂින්ටනය සහ ලන්ඩන් යන දෙපිරසම රුසියාවේ විශාලතම තෙල් හා ගෑස් නිෂ්පාදකයින් වන රොස්නෙෆ්ට් සහ ලුකොයිල්ට (Rosneft, Lukoil) එරෙහිව නව සම්බාධක ප්‍රකාශයට පත් කළ අතර යුරෝපීය සංගමය තමන්ගේම ආර්ථික යුද්ධය දැඩි කිරීමට එකඟ විය. බ්‍රසල්ස් සමුළුවේදී ද්විත්ව-භාවිත භාණ්ඩ සඳහා අපනයන තහනම් පුළුල් කිරීමට, යුරෝපීය ප්‍රාග්ධන වෙළඳපොළට රුසියානු ප්‍රවේශය සීමා කිරීමට, රුසියානු “සෙවණැලි නැව් කණ්ඩායමේ (shadow fleet)” නැව් 117 කට යුරෝපා සංගම් වරායන් තහනම් කිරීමට සහ රුසියානු රාජ්‍ය තාන්ත්‍රිකයින්ට නව සංචාරක සහ මූල්‍ය සීමාවන් පැනවීමට තීරණය විය. කලින් සැලසුම් කළ කාල සීමාවන්ට වඩා වසරකට පෙර–2027 වන විට–රුසියානු ද්‍රව ස්වාභාවික ගෑස් (LNG) ආනයනය සම්පූර්ණයෙන්ම තහනම් කරනු ඇත.

ඊටත් වඩා ප්‍රකෝපකාරී වන්නේ යුක්‍රේනයට ආයුධ සඳහා අරමුදල් සැපයීම පිණිස රුසියානු මහ බැංකුවේ සිර කළ වත්කම් අත්පත් කර ගෙන ප්‍රති-අරමුණුගත කිරීමට යුරෝපා සංගමය සැලසුම් කිරීමයි. බෙල්ජියම නීතිමය විරෝධතා මතු කළද, යුරෝපීය කවුන්සිලය කොමිසමට උපදෙස් දුන්නේ “හැකි ඉක්මනින් යෝජනාවක් ඉදිරිපත් කරන ලෙසයි.” මෙය ජාත්‍යන්තර සොරකමකට වඩා අඩු දෙයක් නොවේ–එය බටහිර අවශ්‍යතා සමඟ ගැටෙන්නේ නම් තම  සංචිත ආරක්ෂිත නොවන බව පෘථිවියේ සෑම ජාතියකටම සංඥා කරන අධිරාජ්‍යවාදී අත්පත් කර ගැනීමකි.

යුක්‍රේනය පිළිබඳ යුරෝපීය කවුන්සිලයේ ප්‍රකාශය, 2022 සිට යුරෝපා සංගමය දැනටමත් යුරෝ බිලියන 177.5 ක් ලබා දී ඇති බවත්, “2026–2027 සඳහා එහි මිලිටරි සහ ආරක්ෂක කටයුතු ඇතුළුව යුක්‍රේනයේ හදිසි මූල්‍ය අවශ්‍යතා සපුරාලීමට කැපවී සිටින බවත්” පුරසාරම් දොඩයි. තවත් බිලියන සිය ගණනක් අනුමත කෙරෙනු ඇත.

සමුළුවට සමගාමීව ඉදිරිපත් කරන ලද, ඊනියා ආරක්ෂක සූදානම මාර්ග සිතියම 2030,  මෙම මුදල් කුමක් සඳහාද යන්න සම්පූර්ණයෙන්ම පැහැදිලි කරයි. එය පහත ප්‍රකාශයෙන් ආරම්භ වේ:

“ආරක්ෂක සූදානම යනු නවීන යුද්ධ සඳහා අවශ්‍ය හැකියාවන් වර්ධනය කිරීම සහ අත්පත් කර ගැනීමයි. එහි තේරුම යුරෝපයට උපායමාර්ගික වාසියක් සහ අවශ්‍ය ස්වාධීනත්වය ලබා දෙන ආරක්ෂක කාර්මික පදනමක් ඇති බව සහතික කිරීමයි. තවද, එහි තේරුම තීරණාත්මක කාලවලදී අති නවීන නවෝත්පාදනයන් සහ වේගවත්, මහා පරිමාණ නිෂ්පාදනයක් ලබා දීමට සූදානම් වීමයි.”

මෙය යුරෝපීය යුද ආර්ථිකයක් සඳහා මහා සැලැස්මකි–මහා පරිමාණ අවි ආයුධ සන්නද්ධ කිරීම සඳහා කර්මාන්ත, මූල්‍ය සහ තාක්‍ෂණය සම්බන්ධීකරණය කරන ලද බලමුලු ගැන්වීමකි.  මාර්ග සිතියම, “උත්සාහයන්  ඉහළ මට්ටමකට ගෙන ඒමේ සහ වේගවත් කිරීමේ අවශ්‍යතාවය, අද දින වැඩිවන අන්තරායන් පිළිබිඹු කරයි,” ලෙස සඳහන් කරයි.

රුසියාව ප්‍රධාන සතුරා ලෙස හඳුනාගෙන ඇති අතර එය “දැකිය හැකි අනාගතය සඳහා යුරෝපීය ආරක්ෂාවට නිරන්තර තර්ජනයක්” ලෙස කියාපාන නමුත් ලේඛනයේ විෂය පථය ගෝලීය වේ:

“යුරෝපයේ සූදානම, 360° ප්‍රවේශයක් සහිත පුළුල් ගෝලීය සන්දර්භය තුළ මුල් බැස ගත යුතුය. …ගාසා තීරයේ සහ මැද පෙරදිග සිට අප්‍රිකාවේ සැඟවුණු හෝ විවෘත ගැටුම් කිහිපයක් දක්වා, ආසියා-පැසිෆික් කලාපයේ වැඩිවන ආතතීන්ගේ සිට ආක්ටික් දක්වා ආදී ලෝකයේ අනෙකුත් ප්‍රදේශවලින් එල්ලවන තර්ජනවලට අපට අන්ධ විය නොහැක.”

වෙනත් වචන වලින් කිවහොත්, යුරෝපා සංගමය එක්සත් ජනපදයෙන් ස්වාධීනව තම ආර්ථික හා භූ මූලෝපායික අවශ්‍යතා ඉටු කර ගැනීම සඳහා ලෝක ව්‍යාප්ත යුද්ධයකට සූදානම් වෙමින් සිටී. එය පැහැදිලිවම සඳහන් කරන්නේ, “සාම්ප්‍රදායික සහචරයින් සහ හවුල්කරුවන් ලෝකයේ අනෙකුත් කලාප වෙත තම අවධානය යොමු කරමින් සිටින” බවත් “යුද්ධයේ වෙනස්වන ස්වභාවයට අනුකූලව, යුරෝපයේ ආරක්ෂක ඉරියව්ව සහ හැකියාවන් … හෙට දවසේ යුධ පිටි සඳහා සූදානම් කළ යුතු” බවත්ය.

මාර්ග සිතියම 1930 ගණන්වල ප්‍රති-සන්නද්ධ කිරීමේ වැඩසටහන් සමඟ තරඟකාරීවන මට්ටමේ ප්‍රමාණාත්මක ඉලක්ක නියම කරයි. එය 2021 දී යුරෝ බිලියන 218 සිට 2025 දී යුරෝ බිලියන 392 දක්වා යුරෝපීය ආරක්ෂක වියදම් ඉහළ යාම සමරන අතර තවදුරටත් වේගවත් කිරීමක් ඉල්ලා සිටී. “ReArm Europe” (යුරෝපය  ප්‍රතිසන්නද්ධ කරමු) න්‍යාය පත්‍රය යටතේ, SAFE මෙවලම වැනි නව අරමුදල් යාන්ත්‍රණ හරහා අවි ආයුධ සඳහා යුරෝ බිලියන 800 ක් දක්වා බලමුලු ගන්වනු ලැබේ. 2035 වන විට දළ දේශීය නිෂ්පාදිතයෙන් සියයට 3.5 ක ආරක්ෂක වියදම් ඉලක්කයක් කරා ළඟා වීමට ජුනි මස නේටෝ සමුළුවේදී කරන ලද කැපවීම් සඳහා වාර්ෂිකව අවම වශයෙන් වසරකට අමතර යුරෝ බිලියන 288 ක් අවශ්‍ය වේ.

මෙම අතිවිශාල මුදල් සම්භාරයට මුදල් යෙදවිය හැක්කේ කුරිරු කප්පාදු, සමාජ වැඩසටහන් විනාශ කිරීම සහ මහජන අරමුදල් කොල්ලකෑම හරහා පමණි. “ආරක්ෂක සූදානම” සඳහා මුදල් සහ ආයුධ පමණක් නොව යුද්ධය සඳහා සමස්ත මහාද්වීපයම ප්‍රතිසංවිධානය කිරීම අවශ්‍ය බව ලේඛනය පැහැදිලි කරයි. “යුරෝපා සංගමය පුරා හමුදා සංචලන ප්‍රදේශයක් කරා” වගන්තිය යටතේ එය යෝජනා කරන්නේ:

“2027 අවසානය වන විට, නේටෝව සමඟ සමීප සම්බන්ධීකරණයෙන්, සංගමය පුරා හමුදා සහ හමුදා උපකරණ බාධාවකින් තොරව ප්‍රවාහනය සහතික කරන, සංගත  කළ නීති සහ ක්‍රියා පටිපාටි, ගොඩබිම් කොරිඩෝ, ගුවන්තොටුපළ, වරාය සහ ආධාරක අංග ජාලයක් සහිත, යුරෝපා සංගමය පුරා හමුදා සංචලන ප්‍රදේශයක් පිහිටුවනු ඇත.”

ඉලක්කය වන්නේ යුරෝපය තනි යුධ පිටියක් බවට පරිවර්තනය කිරීමයි–එනම්, හමුදා සහ සන්නාහ බෝල්ටික් සිට කළු මුහුද දක්වා නිදහසේ ගමන් කළ හැකි ඒකාබද්ධ සැපයුම් කලාපයක් සැකසීමයි. සිවිල් යටිතල පහසුකම් මිලිටරි අවශ්‍යතා සඳහා යටත් කරනු ලැබේ.  දස දහස් ගණනක් නේටෝ භටයින් චලනය කරමින් යුද විරෝධී විරෝධතාකරුවන්ට එරෙහිව සොල්දාදුවන් යෙදවීම සිදු කළ හැම්බර්ග්හි, රෙඩ් ස්ටෝම් බ්‍රාවෝ වැනි අභ්‍යාස, මෙම මිලිටරිකරණයේ දේශීය මානය දැනටමත් අපේක්ෂා කරයි: එනම් අභ්‍යන්තර විරුද්ධත්වය මර්දනය කිරීම යි.

මෙම පරිවර්තනයේ පෙරමුණේ සිටින්නේ ජර්මනියයි.  හරිත පක්ෂයේ  සහ වාම පක්ෂයේ  සහාය ඇතිව, පාලක සන්ධානය ප්‍රති-සන්නද්ධ කිරීම සඳහා යුරෝ ට්‍රිලියනයක රාමුවක් නිර්මාණය කර ඇත. 2025 ආරක්ෂක අයවැය යුරෝ බිලියන 86.5 ක් වන අතර එය දෙවන ලෝක යුද්ධය අවසන් වීමෙන් පසු ඕනෑම අවස්ථාවකට වඩා වැඩි වේ. 2029 වන විට යුරෝ බිලියන 150 කට වඩා වැඩි වන මෙම වියදම දළ වශයෙන් දළ දේශීය නිෂ්පාදිතයෙන් සියයට 3.5 කි.  “මිලිටරි සූදානම”සඳහා යටිතල පහසුකම් වියදම් ඇතුළත් කළහොත්, යුද්ධයට අදාළ මුළු වියදම් දළ දේශීය නිෂ්පාදිතයෙන් සියයට 5 ක් දක්වා ඉහල යනු ඇති අතර, එය වාර්ෂිකව යුරෝ බිලියන 215 ක් පමණ වේ.

නව හමුදා සහ සිවිල් තනතුරු දස දහස් ගණනක් නිර්මාණය වෙමින් පවතින අතර අනිවාර්ය හමුදා බඳවා ගැනීම නැවත ස්ථාපිත කෙරෙනු ඇත. ප්‍රහාරක ජෙට් යානා, ප්‍රවාහන හෙලිකොප්ටර්, නව යුධ ටැංකි, සන්නද්ධ වාහන, යුද නැව්, ඩ්‍රෝන යානා, මිසයිල පද්ධති සහ ඒ සඳහා කැපවූ අභ්‍යවකාශ විධානයක් (මූලස්ථානයක්) පවා නිර්මාණය කිරීම සඳහා බිලියන ගණනක් මුදල් හරවා ඇත. චාන්සලර් ෆ්‍රෙඩ්රික් මර්ස් ජර්මනිය “යුරෝපයේ ශක්තිමත්ම සාම්ප්‍රදායික හමුදාව” බවට පත් කිරීමේ තම ඉලක්කය විවෘතව ප්‍රකාශ කර තිබේ.

මෙම ප්‍රතිපත්ති, යලි සන්නද්ධ කිරීම සහ ලෝක බලය සඳහා වූ තල්ලුව මගින් ෆැසිස්ට් තන්ත්‍රයක් ස්ථාපනය කිරීම, ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදී අයිතිවාසිකම් විනාශ කිරීම සහ කම්කරු පන්තිය මර්දනය කිරීම සිදු කළ, 1930 ගනන්වල ජර්මානු අධිරාජ්‍යවාදයේ සූදානම සිහිපත් කරයි. එම තර්කනය නැවතත් තහවුරු වෙමින් පවතී. යුරෝපය පුරා, පාලක ප්‍රභූන් සමාජ කෝපය මැඩපැවැත්වීමට සහ යුද්ධයට සූදානම් වීමට ෆැසිස්ට් බලවේග–බ්‍රිතාන්‍යයේ ෆරාජ්, ප්‍රංශයේ ල පෙන්, ඉතාලියේ මෙලෝනි සහ ජර්මනියේ ඒඑෆ්ඩී–වගා කරමින් සිටිති.

වෛෂයික ප්‍රවණතා නිසැකවම පැහැදිලිය. යුරෝපා සංගමය, නේටෝව සහ අවි කර්මාන්තය ඒකාබද්ධ යුද යාන්ත්‍රණයකට බද්ධ කිරීම ඒකාධිපති පාලනයක් කරා හැරීම සමඟ අත්වැල් බැඳගනී. ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදී අයිතිවාසිකම්වලට පහර දීම, ගාසා සංහාරයට එරෙහි විරෝධතා අපරාධකරණය කිරීම සහ පොලිස් බලකායන් මිලිටරිකරණය කිරීම යන සියල්ල මහජන විරෝධයට පාලක පන්තියේ බිය පිළිබිඹු කරයි.

අධිරාජ්‍යවාදය යුද්ධයට තල්ලු කරන එම ප්‍රතිවිරෝධතාම–සියල්ලටත් වඩා ධනේශ්වර ක්‍රමයේ ගැඹුරු අර්බුදය–විප්ලවවාදී නැගිටීම් සඳහා කොන්දේසි ද ඇති කරයි. ප්‍රති-සන්නද්ධ කිරීම, ජීවන තත්වයන් විනාශ කිරීම සහ  නිරන්තරයෙන් වර්ධනය වන න්‍යෂ්ටික සමූලඝාතනයේ අනතුර සඳහා මුදල් යෙදවීම සඳහා ධනය විශාල වශයෙන් නැවත වෙන් කිරීම කම්කරු පන්තිය පුරා ප්‍රතිරෝධය අවුස්සනු ඇත. එක්සත් ජනපදයේ, ඔක්තෝබර් 18 වන දින ට්‍රම්ප්ගේ ෆැසිස්ට් ප්‍රතිපත්තිවලට එරෙහි “රජුන් එපා” විරෝධතාවලට මිලියන 7 කට වැඩි පිරිසක් එක් වූහ. යුරෝපයේ අනෙකුත් ස්ථාන අතර, ග්‍රීසිය, බෙල්ජියම, ඉතාලිය, නෙදර්ලන්තය සහ ප්‍රංශය හි කප්පාදු පියවරයන්ට සහ මිලිටරිවාදයට එරෙහිව වැඩවර්ජන සහ විරෝධතා පුපුරා ගොස් ඇත.  මේවා පන්ති අරගලයේ පුපුරන සුලු ගෝලීය පුනර්ජීවනයක සලකුණු ය.

නමුත් ස්වයංසිද්ධ විරුද්ධත්වය ප්‍රමාණවත් නොවේ. යුද්ධයට සහ ආඥාදායකත්වයට එරෙහි සටන, ඒවායේ මූල හේතුවට, එනම් ධනේශ්වර ක්‍රමයටම එරෙහි අරගලයට සම්බන්ධ කරන සවිඥානික දේශපාලන වැඩපිළිවෙලකින් එය සන්නද්ධ විය යුතුය. හතරවන ජාත්‍යන්තරයේ ජාත්‍යන්තර කමිටුවවේ (හජාජාක)”සමාජවාදය සහ යුද්ධයට එරෙහි සටන”-2016 ප්‍රකාශය දැන් දැවෙන හදිසිතාවයක් අත්කර ගන්නා මූලධර්ම ඉදිරිපත් කර ඇත:

  • යුද්ධයට එරෙහි අරගලය, සමාජයේ මහා විප්ලවවාදී බලවේගය වන කම්කරු පන්තිය මත පදනම් විය යුතු අතර, ජනගහනයේ සියලු ප්‍රගතිශීලී කොටස් කම්කරු පන්තිය පිටුපස එක්සත් කළ යුතුය.
  • නව යුද විරෝධී ව්‍යාපාරය ධනවාදී විරෝධී සහ සමාජවාදී විය යුතුය, මන්ද, මූල්‍ය ප්‍රාග්ධනයේ ආඥාදායකත්වය අවසන් කිරීමට සහ මිලිටරිවාදයේ සහ යුද්ධයේ මූලික හේතුව වන ආර්ථික ක්‍රමය අවසන් කිරීමට කරන සටනකින් තොරව යුද්ධයට එරෙහි බරපතල අරගලයක් තිබිය නොහැකි බැවිනි.
  • එබැවින්, නව යුද විරෝධී ව්‍යාපාරය, අවශ්‍යයෙන්ම, ධනපති පන්තියේ සියලුම දේශපාලන පක්ෂ සහ සංවිධානවලින් සම්පූර්ණයෙන්ම සහ නිසැකවම ස්වාධීන විය යුතු අතර ඒවාට සතුරු විය යුතුය.
  • නව යුද විරෝධී ව්‍යාපාරය, සියල්ලටත් වඩා, ජාත්‍යන්තර විය යුතු අතර, අධිරාජ්‍යවාදයට එරෙහි ඒකාබද්ධ ගෝලීය අරගලයක් තුළ කම්කරු පන්තියේ දැවැන්ත බලය බලමුලු ගැන්විය යුතුය.

යුරෝපය පුරා සහ ජාත්‍යන්තරව කම්කරුවන්, තරුණයින් සහ බුද්ධිමතුන් [oppressed middle class] මුහුණ දෙන කර්තව්‍යය පැහැදිලිය: සෑම වැඩබිමකම සහ අසල්වැසි ප්‍රදේශයකම ස්වාධීන ක්‍රියාකාරී කමිටු ගොඩනැගීම, ඔවුන්ගේ අරගල දේශසීමා හරහා සම්බන්ධ කිරීම සහ සමාජවාදය සඳහා සටනේදී සවිඥානික විප්ලවවාදී නායකත්වයක්–හතරවන ජාත්‍යන්තරයේ ජාත්‍යන්තරයේ කමිටුවේ කොටස් ලෙස සමාජවාදී සමානතා පක්ෂ–වර්ධනය කිරීම. ධනේශ්වර ක්‍රමය පෙරලා දමා, පෘථිවියේ සම්පත් ලාභය සඳහා නොව තාර්කිකව සහ ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදීව මානව අවශ්‍යතා සඳහා භාවිතා කරන සමාජවාදී ලෝක සමූහාණ්ඩුවක කොටසක් ලෙස යුරෝපීය එක්සත් සමාජවාදී රාජ්‍යයක් මගින් එය ප්‍රතිස්ථාපනය කිරීමෙන් පමණක්, මානව වර්ගයාට ලෝක යුද්ධයේ ව්‍යසනය වළක්වා ගත හැකිය.

2030 යුරෝපයේ ආරක්ෂක මාර්ග සිතියම ඒකාධිපතිත්වයට සහ ගෝලීය යුද්ධයට පදනම දමයි Read More »

Webina

Nazism, big business and the working class: Historical experience and political lessons

This webinar was originally published in the World Socialist Web Site on 21 October 2025.

Nazism, big business and the working class: Historical experience and political lessons

On October 16, 2025, the World Socialist Web Site (WSWS) hosted a webinar examining the historical relationship between Nazism, big business and the working class—a discussion with urgent contemporary relevance. 

The discussion was chaired by David North, chairperson of the International Editorial Board of the WSWS and of the Socialist Equality Party in the United States. He was joined by three distinguished historians: David Abraham, professor emeritus of law at the University of Miami and author of The Collapse of the Weimar Republic: Political Economy and Crisis; Jacques Pauwels, Canadian historian and author of Big Business and Hitler; and Mario Kessler, senior fellow at the Centre for Contemporary History in Potsdam, Germany, whose scholarship focuses on the German Communist Party and European labor movements.

The webinar opened with North recounting the vicious academic campaign that destroyed Abraham’s career as a historian in the 1980s. After publishing his Marxist analysis of how conflicts within German capitalism facilitated Hitler’s rise, Abraham faced attacks from conservative historians Gerald Feldman and Henry Ashby Turner, who accused him of fraud. Abraham explained that the attack stemmed from “ideological animus, personal pique, and intellectual know-nothingism.”

In the discussion, Jacques Pauwels attacked the claim that Hitler’s rise was accidental or unconnected to capitalist interests. “Hitler’s so-called capture of power was merely a transfer or surrender of power,” he stated. “Without the financial and other support of industry and finance, in other words, big business, the rest of the German power elite, Hitler could never have risen to supremacy.” Pauwels described fascism as “the stick of capitalism, not to be used at all times, but certainly always ready behind the door.”

Mario Kessler addressed Hitler’s mobilization of the middle classes while preventing their left-wing radicalization toward socialism. He noted that the Nazi Party “never succeeded in making consistent inroads into the working class” and “never achieved an absolute majority of the votes” in any Weimar election. Hitler’s function was to “collect the votes of the unemployed people, the resentment of all who considered themselves losers of what was called the system.” Kessler stressed that “before Hitler and the German fascists could annihilate the Jews, they had to destroy the German and European labor movement.”

Pauwels demolished the myth that Hitler improved workers’ living conditions, documenting how “the German workers’ real wages fell dramatically under Nazi rule while corporate profits soared.” He revealed that work accidents and illnesses increased from 930,000 cases in 1933 to 2.2 million in 1939, calling Nazi policy “a high profit, low wage kind of policy.” The first concentration camp at Dachau was established not primarily for Jews but because “regular prisons were full of political prisoners, mostly social democrats and communists.”

The discussion then turned to contemporary parallels. North drew explicit connections between Weimar’s collapse and America’s current trajectory under the fascistic Trump administration, noting gold’s rise from $35 per ounce in 1971 to over $4,000 today as an “objective indication of a real crisis of the American economic system.” Abraham described the emerging alliance of “old right-wingers in the fossil fuel industry” with “anarcho-libertarians” from Silicon Valley, noting that Peter Thiel recently gave lectures invoking Carl Schmitt, the Nazi legal theorist, while identifying workers, leftists, minorities, and environmentalists as civilization’s “blockage,” which Abraham described as “a kind of new Judeo-Bolsheviks.”

North posed a critical question: “Do objective conditions create the possibility for a revolutionary orientation? Is fascism inevitable?” He argued that the same contradictions driving reaction also create revolutionary potential, citing how World War I produced both catastrophe and the October Revolution.

Christoph Vandreier, chairman of the Sozialistische Gleichheitspartei in Germany, addressed the rehabilitation of Hitler and the Nazis within German academia. He described how historian Jörg Baberowski declared in Der Spiegel that “Hitler was not cruel” and “was not a psychopath,” claiming the Holocaust “was not essentially different from shootings during the civil war in Russia.” Vandreier noted that “Baberowski was supported by almost the entire academia in Germany” and that such positions “are part of the mainstream” today, coinciding with Germany’s trillion-euro rearmament program.

The historians agreed that the struggle against historical falsification is inseparable from political struggle. Pauwels emphasized that “history is subversive” and that “the powers that be don’t really want us to know how we got into this trouble.” Abraham noted a modest revival of political economy studies after decades in which “the right captured Washington, the left captured the English department.”

North concluded by emphasizing the persistence of the same fundamental contradictions: “We are not only talking about the past, but we’re really discussing the present. The same issues, the same social forces are present today.” He predicted an “explosive turn by the working class and the most advanced sections of young people and workers toward Marxism, which is the only theoretical framework for which one can understand objective reality and on that basis build a revolutionary movement.”

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Trump

Trump’s fascist conspiracy and how to fight it: A socialist strategy

Socialist Equality Party (US)

This statement was published originally in the World Socialist Web Site on the 19 September 2025.

In the week since the assassination of Charlie Kirk, the Trump administration has escalated its conspiracy to establish a presidential dictatorship.

The policy of the Trump regime was spelled out clearly by fascist strategist Stephen Bannon, one of Trump’s closest political allies. “If we are going to go to war,” he declared, “let’s go to war.” The Trump administration is waging a war—against the population, against democratic rights, against Constitutional government.

Trump
President Donald Trump speaks in the Oval Office of the White House, Friday, Sept. 19, 2025, in Washington. [AP Photo/Alex Brandon]

This war is being conducted within the framework of the public deification of Kirk. Over the past week, the White House has spearheaded a campaign to ban all criticism of the Trump administration. Workers, including teachers, airline staff and others, have been fired for critical social media posts about Kirk. 

On Wednesday, ABC/Disney announced that it was suspending Jimmy Kimmel Live!, after Kimmel made mild, accurate remarks on Monday about the political exploitation of Kirk’s killing. The move followed an explicit directive from the White House and its enforcers. FCC (Federal Communications Commission) Chair Brendan Carr threatened broadcasters, “We can do this the easy way or the hard way.” Nexstar and Disney, desperate to protect multibillion-dollar mergers and profits, rushed to comply.

In interviews Thursday, Carr declared that Kimmel’s suspension was not the “last shoe to drop,” calling for a “massive shift that’s taking place in the media ecosystem.” On the same day, Trump himself declared that regulators should revoke the licenses of broadcasters who air “negative coverage” of him.

The critical question now is: What must be done to stop this drive to dictatorship? In answering this question, it is necessary to identify the political context of Trump’s attempt to overthrow the Constitution, the class and economic interests that underlie the actions of the government, the social force that has the power to defend democratic rights, and the political strategy and program upon which the fight against Trump must be based.

First, it is necessary to put aside all self-deluding hopes that what is unfolding is anything less than a drive to establish a presidential dictatorship, based on the military, police, paramilitary forces and fascist gangs. The essential purpose of the glorification of Charlie Kirk has been to provide a martyr symbol to galvanize the most reactionary forces in the country.

As the World Socialist Web Site has warned, the Hitler admirers in Trump’s inner circle, such as Vice President JD Vance and White House Deputy Chief of Staff Stephen Miller, are working off the playbook written by the Nazis. Kirk is the Trump regime’s “Horst Wessel” (the name of a murdered storm trooper) and the assassination is their equivalent to the infamous Reichstag Fire, the burning of the German parliament building, which was seized upon by Hitler to claim absolute power in March 1933.

The cancellation of the Jimmy Kimmel show is yet another action based on the tactics of the Nazi regime. Any form of speech, including jokes, that was deemed insulting to the honor and dignity of Hitler was treated as a criminal offense that merited drastic punishment. The “Heil Hitler” salute became an obligatory form of greeting, even between friends.

Second, Trump is not acting on his own. However grotesque his individual qualities, he represents the interests of the corporate and financial oligarchy. Here again, the parallels to Nazi Germany are chilling. It is a historical fact that Hitler’s rise to power would not have been possible without the resources provided to the Nazi movement by leading German capitalists. Once in office, Hitler’s brutal regime served the interests of German banks and corporations, and they supported his dictatorship.

If anything, the alliance of Trump and today’s financial-corporate oligarchy is even more intense than that which prevailed in Nazi Germany. It can be described, without exaggeration, as a love affair. In the midst of Trump’s assault on democratic rights, he was feted last week at a White House dinner, where a gang of mega-millionaires and billionaires sang his praises. An even more obscene spectacle was staged this week at Windsor Castle in Britain. Seated next to King Charles III, Trump was feted at a state banquet by a retinue of oligarchs, including Tim Cook of Apple, Sam Altman of OpenAI, Satya Nadella of Microsoft, Ruth Porat of Alphabet, financiers Steve Schwarzman of Blackstone, Jane Fraser of Citigroup, Larry Fink of BlackRock and Brian Moynihan of Bank of America.

Third, underlying the public reverence for Trump are cold-blooded economic and political calculations. The staggering concentration of wealth in an infinitesimal segment of the population is not compatible with democratic forms of rule. The rich are convinced that the defense of their wealth and their unrestricted exploitation of the working class is incompatible with democracy. Dictatorship is their preferred form of political rule.

However, the oligarchy’s reasons for supporting the overthrow of whatever remains of American democracy extend beyond their uncontainable lust for ever greater heaps of money and personal wealth. The American ruling class is acutely conscious of and terrified by the existential crisis of the capitalist system. It is aware that the national debt—now approaching $40 trillion—is unsustainable. 

The oligarchs are convinced that a massive assault on the living standards and even the lives of the working class is necessary. All the social reforms extending back to the Progressive era of the first two decades of the 20th century, the New Deal of the 1930s, and the Great Society of the 1960s must be ended. Critical programs like Social Security, Medicare and Medicaid are to be all but eliminated. The war on medicine—to the point of ending vaccinations against COVID, measles, mumps, polio, whooping cough, and other deadly illnesses—is aimed at substantially raising infant and child mortality and lowering life expectancy.

The wiping out of regulations that provided any sort of protection against injury and death in factories, mines, depots, shipyards, and other workplaces is a major objective. 

Yet another factor in the political calculations of the capitalist elites is the geo-political crisis confronting American imperialism. The protracted deterioration in the global economic and strategic position of the United States has reached critical dimensions. The rise of China and the development of an alliance of states challenging American hegemony cannot be stopped except through war. The militarization of the United States demands ever greater expenditures, which, in turn, intensifies the pressure to slash social expenditures and wages. Moreover, the preparation and launching of wars requires the violent suppression of domestic political opposition.

These are the objective factors that underlie the collapse of American democracy. Trump’s policies are those of the ruling class. This is not to ignore the specific pathological features of his personality and that of his MAGA cabal that impart to this regime its particularly degenerate character. But even if the workings of actuarial statistics were to suddenly remove Trump from the scene, it would not halt the drive to dictatorship. The war on democracy and the working class would continue.

This objective cause of the breakdown of democracy is verified by the fact that parallel processes are being manifested in all major capitalist countries. Throughout Europe neo-fascist parties are gaining strength. The drive toward dictatorship is a global phenomenon. 

Fourth, the correct identification of the source of Trump’s war against the working class leads to critical political conclusions. The starting point of any serious struggle against dictatorship is a break with the Democratic Party. To rely on the Democratic Party to oppose Trump is to guarantee defeat.

The Democrats are, like the Republicans, a party of Wall Street, the Pentagon, and the corporate-financial oligarchy. What they fear above all is not the rise of fascism but the eruption of a mass movement from below that threatens the foundations of capitalist rule. This accounts for the Democratic Party’s cowardly capitulation to the fascist glorification of Kirk and its feckless response to the suspension of Jimmy Kimmel and all the previous dictatorial decrees issued by Trump.

The prostration of the Democratic Party was exposed when the US Senate unanimously approved a resolution marking October 14, Kirk’s birthday, as a “National Day of Remembrance for Charlie Kirk.” Not one Democrat, including Vermont Senator Bernie Sanders, had the courage to object. It would have been sufficient, and politically correct, to oppose the assassination on principled grounds, i.e., that the killing of one or another despicable figure serves absolutely no progressive interest, that it sows confusion among workers and youth and that it plays into the hands of the reactionaries.

But to sanction the elevation of Kirk—a man whose record of racism, antisemitism, opposition to civil rights, and promotion of authoritarian violence is well documented—as a national hero is obscene. Yet Sanders and the Democrats joined in this sanctification.

The next day, 90 Democrats, including the party’s leadership, voted with Republicans in the House to pass a resolution “honoring the life and legacy of Charles Kirk,” praising the fascist provocateur as a martyr for “freedom” and “civil discourse,” and a “fierce defender” of “life, liberty, limited government, and individual responsibility.” 

Fifth, the development of the struggle to defeat Trump must be based on the mobilization of the multimillioned working class—the social force that has the power, if mobilized on the basis of a correct political strategy, to defeat Trump and drive him from office.

The key elements of this strategy are: 

1) The complete political and organizational independence of the working class from the Democratic Party and its collaborators and apologists, i.e., the DSA, Bernie Sanders, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and the myriad middle class organizations and individuals who believe that shouting obscenities on various social media platforms will stop Trump. These are the methods of frustrated liberals who hope that their hysterical rhetoric will move the Democratic Party to fight Trump.

2) The building of a new form of organization that can unify the working class and mobilize its vast industrial and economic power against the Trump regime. This new form of organization proposed by the Socialist Equality Party consists of rank-and-file committees. They must be established in every factory, workplace, school and neighborhood to organize resistance to Trump’s dictatorship. These committees must become centers of resistance, uniting all sections of the working class (in industry, logistics, transport, restaurants and fast food, social services, legal defense, education, arts and culture, entertainment, medicine, health care, sciences, computer technology, programming and other highly specialized professions) and student youth against Trump’s fascist government, the complicity of the Democrats, and the broader assault on democratic rights and living standards. 

The building of rank-and-file committees is essential to break the stranglehold of the trade union bureaucracies, which function as industrial police for the corporations and utilize their power to block every form of resistance by the working class. Power must be transferred from the offices of the bureaucratic parasites to the workers on the shop floor and job sites, where decisions on all matters of strategy, policy and action can be made democratically by the working class.

These rank-and-file committees, spreading across all workplaces, will create new centers of coordinated social power upon which the defense of democracy throughout the country can be based. The mobilized working class will be able to inspire with confidence and unify all the now disparate elements of protest in a massive social movement against the hated government led and controlled by capitalist oligarchy.

3) This movement, led by the working class, requires a program that accurately reflects socio-economic realities and corresponds to the interests of the overwhelming majority of the population. The capitalist oligarchy has declared war on the working class. The necessary response is the declaration of war by the working class on capitalism, which must result in the socialist reorganization of society. This entails the establishment of public ownership and democratic control by the working class of major industries, banks, utilities and natural resources. Moreover, the obscene levels of wealth concentrated in the approximately 900 billionaires must be expropriated. The 400 richest Americans alone hold a combined wealth of $6.6 trillion, which represents a growth by more than $1 trillion over the previous year. The concentration of so much money and power is a social malignancy that kills democracy.

4) The most important element of this strategy—upon which the implementation and realization of all previous elements depends—is internationalism. No effective struggle can be waged by workers in the United States unless their actions are coordinated and aligned with the struggles of the global working class. The threat of fascism is an international phenomenon. The capitalist ruling class of every country has its own version of Trump and even Hitler. American workers must repudiate the reactionary, outdated and self-defeating ideology of nationalism, which is the primal evil that instigates the racism and ethnic hatreds utilized by fascism. It is not an accidental coincidence that Trump launched his drive for dictatorship by unleashing a savage assault on immigrants. The deprivation of their democratic rights was only the first stage in the overthrow of the Constitution. The masked ICE agents who prowl through cities are the vanguard of the fascist paramilitary that Trump is planning to unleash against all sections of the working class.

An inseparable corollary of the fight for the international unity of American workers with their class brothers and sisters beyond the borders of the United States is irreconcilable opposition to US imperialism, militarism and war. The Gaza genocide carried out by the Zionist regime, which has to a great extent been carried out with weapons provided by the United States, reveals the barbarism of which capitalism is capable. The mass murder of Palestinians sanctioned by all the imperialist powers is an anticipation of what the capitalist oligarchs are prepared to inflict against the workers in their “own” countries.

It flows from this internationalist strategy that the rights of immigrants must be defended against the criminal and inhumane policy of deportation. The principle of birthright citizenship, inscribed in the Constitution, must be defended without compromise. Further, the class-conscious worker rejects the insidious and cruel distinction between the “native” and “foreign born.” Moreover, sanctions and tariffs imposed by the Trump administration must be opposed. The working class cannot defend its jobs and interests by supporting economic nationalism, which is entirely reactionary in an era of the global integration of production. The working class can advance its interests only by demanding the tearing down of national boundaries, which not only strangle the development of the productive forces but also lead mankind down the terrible path to nuclear world war.

Even before Trump began his second term and launched his drive for dictatorship, the Socialist Equality Party issued a call for the formation of the International Workers Alliance of Rank-and-File Committees (IWA-RFC). This initiative has not only been vindicated. Its development has acquired burning urgency.

5) The strategy, organization and action that are necessary to defeat Trump, defend democratic rights, and prevent fascism and war will not emerge spontaneously. This program must be fought for. But the determination that is required to take up and wage this fight is incompatible with pessimism and demoralization. These moods lead to paralysis. Moreover, pessimism is invariably connected to a superficial and false appraisal of reality. The Democrats, the unions and the media cultivate the myth of an all-powerful government while insisting that nothing can be done. This is a lie. What is lacking is not mass opposition but, rather, a political strategy to guide and organize the struggle against Trump’s assault on democratic rights.

The Socialist Equality Party advances this program as the basis for the struggle against Trump and the degenerate oligarchy which he represents. Our program is not for the pessimists, the skeptics and the demoralized, but for the fighters among workers, students, youth, professionals, artists and intellectuals. There is no time to lose.

We call on all workers and young people who agree with this perspective to join the Socialist Equality Party, mobilize the power of the working class, defeat the conspiracy of the oligarchs and fight for a socialist future without fascism, genocide and war

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Toronto

Toronto International Film Festival to screen propaganda film for Israel’s genocide in Gaza

By Lee Parsons.

Reposted below is the article of the World Socialist Web Site published on 10 September 2025.

Acting as a cultural arm of Canada’s imperialist ruling elite, the Toronto International Film Festival (TIFF) will be rolling out the red carpet Wednesday for the world premiere of a film about the events of October 7, 2023 that provides propaganda cover for Israel’s genocide against the Gaza Palestinians.

The Road Between Us: The Ultimate Rescue, from director and producer Barry Avrich, is entirely silent about the Israeli state’s decades of brutal oppression and dispossession of the Palestinian people, and the violence and terror it has inflicted on the residents of Gaza and the West Bank over the past two years. The documentary film’s lens is exclusively focused on the efforts of retired Israeli Major General Noam Tibon to rescue family members caught up in the October 7 Gaza Palestinian uprising against the Zionist regime, which for more than 15 years had subjected them to a brutal and ongoing economic blockade.

Toronto

The film presents Tibon as an heroic figure. While Avrich emphatically—and laughably—claims the film is “non-political,” the not-so-subtly inferred message is that Tibon personifies the “plight” and “courage” of the Israeli people. 

The documentary centers on Tibon’s obstacles in reaching his family, who had come under fire during the attack, when Palestinian fighters entered Kibbutz Nahal Oz, which lies less than one kilometer from the Gaza border. Tibon responded to a text from his son and, as the film’s website breathlessly puts it,

With no time to spare, Noam and his wife, Gali, embarked on a ten-hour mission across a country under siege to save their family… Noam navigated ambushes, roadblocks, and a collapsing security system in a relentless race against time.

The film is described in the synopsis given by TIFF as “a profoundly human story about courage, family, and the power of love in the face of unimaginable terror.”

This is foul Zionist propaganda. The constructed and entirely contrived narrative treats the events of October 7 entirely outside of history—as if they fell from the sky. Its narrative frame conforms to a “T” with that of the Israeli state and its western imperialist backers: the Hamas-led uprising was “unprovoked.” Indeed, Avrich submitted his film to TIFF under the title “Out of Nowhere.” It was the festival organizers, clearly in the interests of obscuring the film’s pro-Zionist line, who persuaded him to rename it The Road Between Us. 

Anyone who has followed the decades-long persecution of the Palestinians by the Israeli regime can only feel outraged by claims that Israel, which has been armed to the teeth by Washington and its allies, was a “country under siege” in October 2023. Since 2006, Israel had effectively maintained Gaza as an “open-air prison,” repeatedly bombing and terrorizing its population, not to mention the systematic seizures of Palestinian land and episodes of mass ethnic cleansing going back to the very formation of Israel in 1948. 

Nor can there be any other legitimate response but hostility to complacent references to “courage” and “family” after almost two years of a non-stop genocidal onslaught by Israel, backed by the imperialist powers, on the Palestinians, whose families have been torn apart, massacred, starved and left destitute. The only “unimaginable terror” is that carried out by the IDF against Gaza’s population.

The attempt by TIFF to wash the blood of the Palestinian people from the IDF by finding a “hero” among its senior ranks could not have served as a better piece of propaganda for the Netanyahu regime if they had paid for it themselves. To tout such a film as a legitimate artwork is as repugnant today as claiming that Leni Riefenstahl’s propaganda efforts were a legitimate expression of life during the Third Reich.

There are many issues a serious documentary about October 7 could have taken up, including interrogating the conditions that caused hundreds of Palestinian fighters to embark effectively on a suicide mission, and the reasons for the alleged and thoroughly unconvincing state of “unpreparedness” of the Israeli military and intelligence.

The Zionist state and military boast about their technological capability and skill at every turn when it serves their ideological and political purposes. But world public opinion is supposed to believe they found themselves entirely blind-sided in October 2023.

Extensive evidence suggests that elements high up in the Zionist regime were aware of the Islamist Hamas’ plans for October 7 well in advance, and chose to ensure that Israel’s security forces stood down to create a pretext for a long-planned onslaught on Gaza to ethnically cleanse its population and seize the tiny enclave, to implement, in fact, the “Final Solution” of the Palestinian question. After the uprising began, the IDF invoked the so-called “Hannibal Directive,” which allows the military to kill Israeli civilians rather than let them be taken hostage.

The decision to screen the film at TIFF, which has reserved the 1,800-capacity Roy Thompson Hall for Wednesday’s premiere, has nothing to do with questions of artistic merit. On the contrary, the sordid process by which the film, initially excluded from one of the world’s most important film festivals, became a—if not the—marquee event of TIFF 2025 underscores the central role that financial and Canadian imperialist foreign policy interests play in the festival management’s decisions and those of the country’s other major cultural institutions.

The phony furor over TIFF “censorship”

On August 12, media reports emerged that TIFF had reversed its decision to screen The Road Between Us at this year’s festival, citing legal concerns that some of the footage recovered from captured GoPros by Hamas fighters had not been cleared for use, as well as a “potential threat of significant disruption.” 

These reports met with an immediate outcry of protest from the Zionist lobby in Canada, quickly joined and encouraged by the political elite and right-wing press. 

On August 13, Toronto City councillors James Pasternak and Brad Bradford issued a joint statement on X, declaring, “TIFF should not be banning or censoring films and should respect the freedoms of the arts community,” and concluding that the decision to cancel was a “moral failure.”

The very next day, TIFF capitulated to this reactionary campaign, now less than 48 hours old, and announced it would ensure the film would be screened during what is the festival’s 50th edition. With The Road Between US’s producers, explained TIFF CEO Cameron Bailey, “We have worked together to find a resolution to satisfy important safety, legal, and programming concerns.” 

This quick retreat did next to nothing, however, to appease the film’s ruling class promoters, who in the name of denouncing TIFF censorship, lashed out at the supposed intolerance of anti-Gaza genocide protesters.  

The National Post gave feature coverage to an op-ed penned by Sharren Haskel, who self-identifies as Israel’s “Canadian-born” deputy foreign minister. She voiced her outrage that TIFF sought “the ‘approval’ of terrorists,” who carry out “murders, rapes, and kidnappings,” and charged the festival with complicity “in silencing the truth.” She also slammed the Carney government for its empty announcement it would recognize a Palestinian state.

Canada, like the US and the other imperialist powers, is a key supporter of the Gaza genocide. Whether under Mark Carney or Justin Trudeau before him, the Liberal government has backed Israel’s genocidal campaign against Gaza and rampage across the Middle East to the hilt, shipping tens of millions of dollars in weaponry to Israel, while clamping down ruthlessly on anti-genocide protests at home.

Within Canada’s film industry the most prominent public statement of support for the screening of The Road Between US’s came from Susan Reitman Michaels, sister of the late producer/director Ivan Reitman, whose family is a major benefactor of TIFF. The family donated land for the home of the festival, the TIFF Lightbox complex in downtown Toronto. 

In an open letter Michaels wrote, “The irony is unbearable. My family’s gift of land to TIFF was intended as a memorial to my parents’ faith in freedom of expression, only to see that very principle eroded… What it looks like, and feels like, is the silencing of a Jewish voice at a time when Jewish voices are already being marginalized.” As intended, the letter elicited a thoroughly stage-managed “torrent of outrage,” with the festival reportedly receiving 60,000 emails objecting to the initial cancellation of the film.

The hypocrisy of Michaels and the other would-be warriors for “free speech” is staggering. None of them batted an eyelid, but on the contrary cheered on the political establishment when it systematically smeared and sought to intimidate hundreds of thousands of Canadians who participated in anti-genocide protests over the past two years. Anti-genocide activists calling for an end to Canadian imperialism’s supply of military equipment to Israel have faced arrest and harassment by the police, and in some cases the loss of their employment. The few voices who raised any criticism of the genocide within the political establishment, like former NDP member of the Ontario legislature Sarah Jama, were politically sidelined and silenced.

Moreover, the claim to be defending rights of “freedom of expression” on the one hand, while invoking the special rights of wealthy benefactors to influence programming decisions, reveals the class character of the objections.

In announcing the festival’s renewed commitment to screen The Road Between Us, TIFF CEO Bailey issued a cowardly mea culpa. “I want to apologize,” he declared, “for any hurt, frustration, or disappointment that our communication about the film has caused, and for any mischaracterizations that have taken root. We’re working now—and we will be for a while—to clarify things and to repair relationships.”

Bailey offered his fawning and, frankly, disgusting reassurance:

I want to be clear: claims that the film was rejected due to censorship are unequivocally false. Both TIFF and the filmmakers have heard the pain and frustration expressed by the public and we want to address this together.

The “pain and frustration” were not expressed by “the public,” but by TIFF’s wealthy donors, the Zionist lobby, and powerful sections of the corporate and political elite—many of them the very same forces who last year demanded that TIFF cancel screenings of a documentary that humanized Russian soldiers fighting in Ukraine.

It should be remembered that TIFF has a record of celebrating Zionism and Israel. In 2009, eight months after one of the Israeli military’s murderous assaults on Gaza, the film festival decided to honor Tel Aviv as the first city to be the subject of its new program, “City to City.” The decision provoked widespread outrage and protest.

Avrich, a Montreal-based filmmaker, has less than convincingly sought to talk his way out of any political intention behind his decision to make the film. Avrich told an interviewer for Deadline, “This film is not about politics, it’s about humanity, family and sacrifice.” 

Avrich and the IDF Major General Tibon used a joint interview with the Globe and Mail, published September 6, as an opportunity to double down on this transparent falsification, presenting their film, in the postmodernist jargon so prominent in artistic and academic circles, as simply one “story” among others. In a remark that reveals at best his indifference towards and more likely support for the greatest crime of the 21st century so far, Avrich blandly told the Globe that he was just “a guy in Canada who is attracted to a great story… I didn’t see anything outside that story.” The same line was taken by Tibon, who adds in the same interview that ”we didn’t say one word of politics.” Anyone who believes a word of this rubbish …

When the Globe interviewer gave them the opportunity, to say something about the plight of the Palestinians and the ongoing genocide, both Avrich and Tibon pointedly refused to do so.

An artist unmoved by genocide and who, in the face of the systematic destruction of an entire people, “didn’t see anything outside” the fate of a senior officer in this machinery of mass murder and his immediate family, deserves only contempt. This is not a matter of artistic freedom. Rather, it reflects a tendency to revel in a kind of cold indifference to mass human suffering cultivated within a privileged layer of the middle class, whose expanding stock portfolios and bank balances are tied up with the eruption of imperialist wars over the past three-and-a-half decades, culminating in the Gaza genocide as part of a rapidly developing third world war.

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